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Showing posts with label Maulana Fazlur Rehman. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Maulana Fazlur Rehman. Show all posts

Wednesday, October 17, 2012

Our Collective Sin

By Amir Zia
The News
October 16, 2012

Our collective sin remains that we waited far too long and did little when all these years the Taliban had been busy blowing up schools in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, brainwashing and preparing child suicide bombers and using Pakistani soil for terrorism not just within the country but also in other parts of the world.

A text message from the banned Hizb-ut-Tahrir – circulated among many media persons this week – blamed the “Raymond Davis network” for the attack on Malala Yousafzai by which it implied that the US spy agency was involved in the affair. Many mainstream religious parties – from the Jamaat-e-Islami to the various factions of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) – instead of condemning the ghastly assault on the 14-year-old girl from Swat, tried to spin it by saying that it was the result of the US-led war in Afghanistan and its drone strikes on Al-Qaeda and Taliban militants in Pakistan’s tribal areas. A leader of a prominent religious party had the audacity to say in a television talk-show that the attack was a reaction to the way the government, the media and non-government organisations (NGOs) used Malala against the Taliban.

While the majority of ordinary Pakistanis have put their hearts and souls in praying for Malala’s life and condemning the perpetrators of the attack, the religious forces today stand exposed by not condemning the Taliban who tried to silence this young voice pleading the case of girls’ education in her hometown and taking a position against the systematic destruction of schools by militants.

The JUI chief, Maulana Fazlur Rehman said in a menacing tone that all statements slamming clerics and religious leaders for not denouncing the Taliban militants are being noted. According to media reports that quote intelligence sources, the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) is planning action against national and international media houses, following which the Interior Ministry beefed up their security.

Despite efforts by the fundamentalist forces to confuse the issue and link it with the war in Afghanistan and drone attacks, there remains a clarity and level-headedness among ordinary Pakistanis, who find targeting a child, for whatever so-called lofty ideals, unacceptable.

Indeed, Malala has become a symbol of defiance against the barbarism and atrocities the Taliban and their Al-Qaeda allies have been committing using the sacred name of Islam, which preaches kindness, forgiveness, moderation, and tolerance even in conflict and war. But this fundamental message of Islam seems to have been forgotten by militants and their cheerleaders in the rightwing and religious parties, who represent the triumph of all that is unreasonable and unjust over reason and justice. Their emotional arguments and violent deeds generate heat, but unfortunately no light.

Our collective sin remains that we waited far too long and did little when all these years the Taliban had been busy blowing up schools in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, brainwashing and preparing child suicide bombers and using Pakistani soil for terrorism not just within the country but also in other parts of the world.

The silence of the majority, the failure of mainstream political parties and the government in countering the self-defeating narrative of the Taliban, and the half-hearted measures of the security forces in fighting terrorism have led to Malala’s current ordeal. She represents all the tens of thousands of students who missed valuable academic years because their schools were destroyed by these self-styled “holy warriors”. She is the face of all those children who were killed, maimed or injured in terrorist attacks that have remained “part of our lives” for more than a decade now. She is the emblem of all those who carry the trauma and scars of losing their near and dear ones at the hands of the Taliban.

The extremist mindset attacked a potent symbol of defiance by targeting and wounding Malala and two other female students – Kainat and Shazia. Before shooting and wounding these girls, the so-called brave and pious Taliban completely destroyed 121 schools in Malala’s hometown of Swat and partially damaged 280 others, according to a report issued last month by the Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child (Sparc). The total number of schools destroyed in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, according to the report, remains more than 700, depriving at least 600,000 children of education.

When all this was happening, we, the majority chose to remain silent or pay lip service to mark our indignation at these horrendous acts amidst the crescendo of voices raised by the Taliban apologists, supporters and ideological backers, who justified and defended every crime and every madness committed in the name of our religion on the pretext that the war against terrorism and extremism was not our war.

The Imran Khans, Maulana Fazal-ur Rehmans and Munawar Hasans of this world tried to thrive and score points by confusing the homegrown challenge of extremism and terrorism by justifying that it was a mere reaction to the foreign intervention in Afghanistan and drone strikes in Pakistan. They conveniently forgot the circumstances that led to this intervention. Their half-truths, conspiracy theories and deliberate distortion of facts always fail to take into account that the region serves as a safe-haven for all shades of local, regional and international militants who threaten Pakistan by trying to impose their harsh brand of Islam and use its soil to carry out terrorist activities around the world. The footprints of many international terrorist plots led directly to our doorstep. Pakistan paid a far higher price compared with any other country at the hands of extremists.

Our inability to establish writ of the state in the tribal region and parts of northern Pakistan – infested by local and foreign militants – remained one of the key failures. We tried half-hearted crackdowns, devoid of ideological support from the mainstream political parties. We failed in giving a popular counter-narrative to challenge the Taliban and Al-Qaeda’s distorted version of Islam. Instead, the authorities kept moving between the two extremes of military operations or striking deals with commander this and commander that. But the policy of appeasement failed to curb militancy.

Our class-based and multi-tiered education system, which excludes poor children from modern schooling, is other mega factor responsible for the growing intolerance and extremism. The children of the poor are mostly left at the mercy of antiquated seminaries, run on donations and alms. Despite many announcements, we failed to reform these seminaries or provide a better alternative to their students as the state abdicated its responsibility of providing education. The worldview of the seminary students stands in stark contrast to the children belonging to the privileged and middle classes, who attend fancy private English-medium school. Thus we created and accepted an ever-widening divide, which alienated one world from the other, creating all the right conditions for a conflict.

The state needs to take a holistic approach when dealing with the challenge of extremism that is bent upon destroying the very fabric of our society. Any counter-terrorism strategy needs to be backed by an ideological narrative in which the political parties and the civil society have a crucial role to play. Reforming the education system, and ensuring it provides equal opportunities to students of all classes – both in the rural and urban centres of Pakistan – should be one of its main pillars. That’s what Malala stood for. And that’s what we must stand for – if we love our children and care for the future of Pakistan. If we fail to act now, we will all have to pay the price. 

Thursday, January 13, 2011

Divided They Stand

By Amir Zia
Newsline, January 2011

Why did the PPP choose to rock the coalition boat at a time when the country faces grave challenges?

The teetering PPP-led coalition government now stands at the mercy of political opponents, and past and present allies. To survive in the corridors of power, it has either to win back former allies by accepting tougher conditions or bank on the life-line thrown to it by arch rivals demanding their pound of flesh from the now minority government of Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gillani. For any political force, it is the worst possible scenario.
This means that the government’s ability to provide effective governance will further be eroded because of the politics of populism. The government will not be allowed to go ahead with the tough reforms which are vital for the economy. This includes expanding the tax base, doing away with subsidies especially in the energy sector and slashing non-productive expenditure. The government has already failed to fulfill promises made to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), forcing it to seek a nine-month extension in the $11.3 billion Standby arrangement from this global lending agency.
The harsh conditions set by the opposition in exchange for providing a life-line to the government only means that the country’s economy is all set to take the biggest hit because of the political turmoil and uncertainty. Even if the government manages to survive in the coming weeks and months, it will be a lame duck, unable to do what is required of it in these hard times.
And the assassination of Governor Punjab Salmaan Taseer has only added to the gravity of the situation not just for the struggling government, but for the state which faces a far greater threat on account of its failure to resolve internal contradictions and enforce certain rules of the game.
As Pakistan’s religious forces of all shades push hard to change the complexion of the state by hook or by crook, mainstream political parties do not appear to have the ability and capacity to rise to the challenge. They are too involved in politicking and repeating the mistakes of the past for which they have paid dearly.
The ghastly murder of the Punjab governor notwithstanding, the harsh fact remains that the government’s latest predicament is yet another sorry tale of drifting from one self-inflicted crisis to another. In addition to mishandling crucial issues during its 34-month rule, the government has gone and done the same even with its allies. The irony is that where the government should have taken a firm stand on crucial issues such as the controversial Blasphemy Law, extremism and the economic reform agenda, it caved in. And where there was a need to play the astute game of compromise and show graciousness to allies, its stalwarts, including the prime minister, chose to indulge in brinkmanship.
The Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) are not among those forces that refuse to play ball – if the ball is pitched right. They are not willing to sacrifice an arm and a limb for the sake of principles alone. Yet, the PPP government managed to annoy them and rock the coalition boat at a time when the country faces not just the continued challenge of extremism and militancy, but a grave economic crisis too.
Take the strange case of JUI Maulana Fazlur Rehman who, at a fair price, has proved to be a bankable PPP ally since the days of the late Benazir Bhutto. But even the politically flexible maulana was pushed against the wall by the surprise dismissal of his party’s Federal Minister for Science & Technology Azam Khan Swati. This sacking by Prime Minister Gillani was done apparently to balance the ouster of PPP’s controversial Religious Minister Hamid Saeed Kazmi, accused of corruption during Haj operations. Kazmi, considered close to the prime minister, was at loggerheads with Swati, who openly accused him of graft even in cabinet meetings. The rivalry between Swati and Kazmi also stems from the fact that they belonged to different schools of thought. The JUI – representing the Deobandi school of thought – wanted the ministry of religious affairs for its nominee, but it was given to a Barelvi maulvi belonging to the PPP.
Some of the PPP cabinet members admit that Gillani had misread JUI’s reaction over the ouster of its federal minister, which they say was uncalled for. “This confrontation was unnecessary and could have been avoided,” said a federal minister requesting anonymity.
Presently, the maulana is in no mood to change his decision. Prime Minister Gillani has become the main target of JUI’s wrath, underlining the fact that the religious party has tactfully kept the option of returning to the PPP’s fold open. Maulana Fazl’s demand that Prime Minister Gillani be sacked is being interpreted as a hint for an in-house change despite President Zardari’s announcement that the PPP stands firmly behind him.
The scenario of in-house change appears easier said than done because of the divided and fractured opposition. There are many ifs and buts in the process – the biggest hurdle being the unleashing of a complex numbers game, which might not suit the key political players. There is the gnawing fear that a vigorous political tug-of-war may upset the carefully laid applecart and prove the beginning of the end for the entire system.
PPP’s estrangement with the second ally, the MQM, is a more complex issue. It is not just one incident that forced the MQM to part ways at the federal level, while continuing to remain a coalition partner in Sindh. The two parties have big political and financial stakes in Sindh, especially in Karachi, which often clash. The MQM no longer enjoys a free hand in running the affairs of Karachi, where some PPP stalwarts are promoting the militant Peoples’ Amn Commiittee of Lyari and the Pakhtoon Awami National Party (ANP) to counter the MQM’s muscle power. The PPP hardliners including Sindh Home Minister Zulfikar Mirza are more inclined to use heavy-handed policies to keep the MQM on a tight leash.
However, the real problem bedevilling their relations remains the local bodies system. The MQM insists that the Pervez Musharraf-era local bodies system be kept intact, while the rest of the major parties want to revert back to the old system in which more powers are vested in the commissioners and bureaucrats. “We can’t have two local bodies systems in the country,” said a PPP leader close to President Zardari. “But before they announced a parting of ways with us, there was a consensus at the meeting with the president that the local bodies bill would not be presented in the assembly. We accepted their other demands, including posting bureaucrats of their choice to run Karachi. But, in a surprise move, they announced their decision to quit the government.”
While in the longer run an alliance between the PPP and the MQM makes sense, particularly for ensuring peace in Sindh and countering religious extremism, the short-term clash of interests seems to override these goals. The MQM’s firm anti-PPP stance on crucial issues starting from the National Reconciliation Ordinance to the reformed General Sales Tax has shaken the alliance between the two to the core.
As Pakistan’s political weather gets chillier, the days ahead will be tough not just for the government, but for the country itself. A weak minority government will find it extremely difficult to confront the challenges on the economic and security fronts, which need to be tackled boldly and decisively by an effective, efficient and performing government.

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