By Amir Zia
July 11, 2012
The religious and other rightwing parties want Pakistan to disregard international will and consensus against the violent non-state actors operating under the influence of al Qaeda
ONE can call it ironic that the government’s decision to reopen the Nato supply routes to Afghanistan is getting flak from both sides of the national divide.
Many of the liberals are calling it the tragedy of delay and rightly asking why it took so long for our brilliant minds in the civil and military establishment to accept the “soft apology” which was there on the platter by Washington since February this year. What Islamabad gained by prolonging the standoff with the United States if the result had to be a timid climb-down on all the key demands. From the US drone attacks on Al-Qaeda and Taliban militants hiding on Pakistani soil to that of the CIA network operating independently of Pakistani authorities, it will be business as usual as far as Washington is concerned. Pakistani authorities remain free to keep the window of discussion open on these issues under the true spirit of democracy.
Pakistan’s attempts to extract more money from the United States by raising the tariff on each Nato container to $5,000 from $250 also resulted in a firm no. Our government graciously dropped this bizarre demand which, in the first place, should not even be linked to US assault on the military check-post at Salala in November last which killed 24 Pakistani soldiers. This sensitive issue was mismanaged from day one by the civil and military leaders, who made it more complex by playing to the gallery with their bombastic rhetoric of national honour and sovereignty. Precious time was lost by the government in the long-winded parliamentary debate on the so-called attempts to redefine Pakistan-US ties and tagging the important with unimportant rather than a swift and realistic handling of the issue keeping in view the country’s hard political and economic realities and the international mood.
The religious and other rightwing political parties – the self-proclaimed guardians of the country’s yet unclear and porous ideological frontiers – are furious for all the different reasons. They want Pakistan to disregard international will and consensus against violent non-state actors operating under the banner of Al-Qaeda, the Taliban and a host of other shadowy extremist groups and drag it to the dead-end of becoming a rogue and pariah state. Their agenda, as articulated by the Defence of Pakistan (Difa-e-Pakistan) Council, now encompasses the ouster of the US-led Nato forces from the region, ending Pakistan’s cooperation in the UN-mandated war on terrorism, blocking Nato supplies passing through the country to Afghanistan and of course the demand of halting the controversial drone strikes in the country’s militant-infested northern tribal region.
As thousands of supporters of Defence of Pakistan, an umbrella of around 40 religious groups, many of which are banned, displayed their teeth, muscle and emotions in Islamabad at the conclusion of their “long ride” from Lahore, there are clear signs that the national discord over the issue is all set to intensify against the backdrop of growing political instability in the run-up to the general elections, clash of institutions and unbridled monster of terrorism that has consumed more than 36,000 lives since the end of 2001 when Pakistan joined hands with the United States and its allies in the war against Al-Qaeda and its Afghan and local allies.
In this pro- and anti-Nato divide, the all important subject which does not figure prominently on the national narrative is how to rein in the foreign and local extremists who continue to operate here, targeting not just Pakistani civilian and law enforcement agencies, but also using the country as a base to plot and execute terrorist plots against neighbours and other parts of the world.
The international community and the majority of Pakistanis stand justified when they ask the state institutions to establish their writ effectively and ensure that Pakistani soil is not used against other nations as well as Pakistan. The all-important question of why our country has become a fertile ground for suicide bombers, terrorists and extremists and considered a safe haven by similar foreign elements including Arabs, Afghans, Uzbeks, Chechens, and even Indonesians is often ignored as we focus more on symptoms rather than the real causes of our predicament.
The continued self-denial will cost us even more than what we have already suffered in terms of loss of human lives, the country’s image and negative fallout on the battered economy. Monday’s gun attack on an army camp near Gujrat by militants in which seven soldiers and a policeman were killed should serve as the latest stark reminder of the rotten state of affairs in this land of the pure. As the rightwing continues to whip up anti-US emotions, militants would certainly try to intensify attacks on soft and hard targets in an attempt punish the country for its renewed cooperation with Nato.
The absence of a comprehensive counter terrorism strategy, the lack of trust within key state institutions and concerns of Pakistani military establishment regarding the endgame in Afghanistan in which they do not see eye-to-eye with Washington on fundamental issues, will make it more difficult for the authorities to effectively handle the scourge of extremism that has been a major destabilising factor for the country on both its internal and external fronts.
The tragic Salala episode that had plunged the Pakistan-US ties to a new low should be seen more as a symptom rather than the cause which will continue to test the diplomatic skills of leaders of both countries. The source of tension remains, which is graver than the drone attacks. These strikes should also be taken as an outcome of the larger problem.
If the Americans continue to remain wary of Pakistan because of its selective handling of militant groups and lack of political will and capacity in establishing its writ on many parts of its territory, Pakistanis are worried about the enhanced Indian role in Afghanistan and prospects of a hostile government in Kabul. Washington has failed to calm Pakistan’s nerves regarding its exit strategy and give any assurance that Pakistan-friendly elements will get a role in any future setup in Afghanistan. Pakistan has suffered the most due to the protracted Afghan conflict since the invasion by the former Soviet Union there in 1979 and is justified if it wants a friendly government in Kabul, which does not serve as a destabilising factor here.
But Islamabad also needs to unburden itself from many of its Cold War-era baggage in its own enlightened self-interest and curb the violent non-state actors that have agendas clashing its vital, long term goals.
With the trust gap continuing to haunt Pakistan-US relations, our troubles are far from over even after the restoration of Nato supplies, though the decision will help in lowering tensions. A politically embattled government here, which is desperate to complete its five-year term and eyeing the next elections, has limited time and choices at its disposal. The US presidential race has also squeezed options for Washington which means relations between the two countries will remain on a rocky path in the months to come – at least until the hurly burly of elections are over. Even after that it will be a steep climb.
July 11, 2012
The religious and other rightwing parties want Pakistan to disregard international will and consensus against the violent non-state actors operating under the influence of al Qaeda
ONE can call it ironic that the government’s decision to reopen the Nato supply routes to Afghanistan is getting flak from both sides of the national divide.
Many of the liberals are calling it the tragedy of delay and rightly asking why it took so long for our brilliant minds in the civil and military establishment to accept the “soft apology” which was there on the platter by Washington since February this year. What Islamabad gained by prolonging the standoff with the United States if the result had to be a timid climb-down on all the key demands. From the US drone attacks on Al-Qaeda and Taliban militants hiding on Pakistani soil to that of the CIA network operating independently of Pakistani authorities, it will be business as usual as far as Washington is concerned. Pakistani authorities remain free to keep the window of discussion open on these issues under the true spirit of democracy.
Pakistan’s attempts to extract more money from the United States by raising the tariff on each Nato container to $5,000 from $250 also resulted in a firm no. Our government graciously dropped this bizarre demand which, in the first place, should not even be linked to US assault on the military check-post at Salala in November last which killed 24 Pakistani soldiers. This sensitive issue was mismanaged from day one by the civil and military leaders, who made it more complex by playing to the gallery with their bombastic rhetoric of national honour and sovereignty. Precious time was lost by the government in the long-winded parliamentary debate on the so-called attempts to redefine Pakistan-US ties and tagging the important with unimportant rather than a swift and realistic handling of the issue keeping in view the country’s hard political and economic realities and the international mood.
The religious and other rightwing political parties – the self-proclaimed guardians of the country’s yet unclear and porous ideological frontiers – are furious for all the different reasons. They want Pakistan to disregard international will and consensus against violent non-state actors operating under the banner of Al-Qaeda, the Taliban and a host of other shadowy extremist groups and drag it to the dead-end of becoming a rogue and pariah state. Their agenda, as articulated by the Defence of Pakistan (Difa-e-Pakistan) Council, now encompasses the ouster of the US-led Nato forces from the region, ending Pakistan’s cooperation in the UN-mandated war on terrorism, blocking Nato supplies passing through the country to Afghanistan and of course the demand of halting the controversial drone strikes in the country’s militant-infested northern tribal region.
As thousands of supporters of Defence of Pakistan, an umbrella of around 40 religious groups, many of which are banned, displayed their teeth, muscle and emotions in Islamabad at the conclusion of their “long ride” from Lahore, there are clear signs that the national discord over the issue is all set to intensify against the backdrop of growing political instability in the run-up to the general elections, clash of institutions and unbridled monster of terrorism that has consumed more than 36,000 lives since the end of 2001 when Pakistan joined hands with the United States and its allies in the war against Al-Qaeda and its Afghan and local allies.
In this pro- and anti-Nato divide, the all important subject which does not figure prominently on the national narrative is how to rein in the foreign and local extremists who continue to operate here, targeting not just Pakistani civilian and law enforcement agencies, but also using the country as a base to plot and execute terrorist plots against neighbours and other parts of the world.
The international community and the majority of Pakistanis stand justified when they ask the state institutions to establish their writ effectively and ensure that Pakistani soil is not used against other nations as well as Pakistan. The all-important question of why our country has become a fertile ground for suicide bombers, terrorists and extremists and considered a safe haven by similar foreign elements including Arabs, Afghans, Uzbeks, Chechens, and even Indonesians is often ignored as we focus more on symptoms rather than the real causes of our predicament.
The continued self-denial will cost us even more than what we have already suffered in terms of loss of human lives, the country’s image and negative fallout on the battered economy. Monday’s gun attack on an army camp near Gujrat by militants in which seven soldiers and a policeman were killed should serve as the latest stark reminder of the rotten state of affairs in this land of the pure. As the rightwing continues to whip up anti-US emotions, militants would certainly try to intensify attacks on soft and hard targets in an attempt punish the country for its renewed cooperation with Nato.
The absence of a comprehensive counter terrorism strategy, the lack of trust within key state institutions and concerns of Pakistani military establishment regarding the endgame in Afghanistan in which they do not see eye-to-eye with Washington on fundamental issues, will make it more difficult for the authorities to effectively handle the scourge of extremism that has been a major destabilising factor for the country on both its internal and external fronts.
The tragic Salala episode that had plunged the Pakistan-US ties to a new low should be seen more as a symptom rather than the cause which will continue to test the diplomatic skills of leaders of both countries. The source of tension remains, which is graver than the drone attacks. These strikes should also be taken as an outcome of the larger problem.
If the Americans continue to remain wary of Pakistan because of its selective handling of militant groups and lack of political will and capacity in establishing its writ on many parts of its territory, Pakistanis are worried about the enhanced Indian role in Afghanistan and prospects of a hostile government in Kabul. Washington has failed to calm Pakistan’s nerves regarding its exit strategy and give any assurance that Pakistan-friendly elements will get a role in any future setup in Afghanistan. Pakistan has suffered the most due to the protracted Afghan conflict since the invasion by the former Soviet Union there in 1979 and is justified if it wants a friendly government in Kabul, which does not serve as a destabilising factor here.
But Islamabad also needs to unburden itself from many of its Cold War-era baggage in its own enlightened self-interest and curb the violent non-state actors that have agendas clashing its vital, long term goals.
With the trust gap continuing to haunt Pakistan-US relations, our troubles are far from over even after the restoration of Nato supplies, though the decision will help in lowering tensions. A politically embattled government here, which is desperate to complete its five-year term and eyeing the next elections, has limited time and choices at its disposal. The US presidential race has also squeezed options for Washington which means relations between the two countries will remain on a rocky path in the months to come – at least until the hurly burly of elections are over. Even after that it will be a steep climb.
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