By Amir Zia
The News
Monday, August 5, 2013
It would be too simplistic and naïve to brush away the dark episode of D I Khan jailbreak by blaming only the police and accusing its personnel of incompetence and cowardice. The top civilian and military leaders cannot absolve themselves from the responsibility of this mega failure.
The brazen July 29 jailbreak in D I Khan is another ominous indication of the failing writ of the state in the world’s lone nuclear-armed Muslim nation. It is one more sign that the security institutions of this Islamic republic have started to implode – not with a bang, but a whimper in the face of a determined and resolute adversary.
The painless escape of nearly 250 prisoners – many of them hardcore terrorists – is one of the countless alarm bells that have been continuously ringing in the form of deadly suicide bombings, terror attacks and the reign of lawlessness and mayhem across Pakistan for the past several years. But is anyone on those high and mighty positions paying heed to these warning signs? Is the civil and military leadership grasping the gravity of the situation? Do they have any plan, road map or strategy to end this perpetual state of anarchy?
The state of near-paralysis the government and the security establishment seem to be in about confronting the challenge of extremism and terrorism hardly give one any hope. The rot has set in deep. The Pakistani state appears to be staggering as militants strike one blow after another. It is not just the inaction of civilian and military leaders that is baffling. Perhaps more bizarre is their confused state of mind and lack of clarity on how to deal with the Al-Qaeda-inspired local militants. Unfortunately, the Pakistani leadership seems to be unable to decide whether these militants are enemies of the state or mere estranged friends.
However, the militants are clear-headed about their objectives. They kill and execute security officials and civilians alike without any remorse or apology. The 2012 Bannu jailbreak is still fresh in our minds. The attacks on military headquarters and various other sensitive installations, including airbases, underline the grim reality that our armed forces remain unsafe even in their own backyard. This should give sleepless nights to the army’s hierarchy, but they appear to give the impression that they are still masters of the situation. Ironically, they are not.
The nuclear-armed giant remains unable to act, react or even think clearly. The state is bleeding from a thousand small wounds. The process of implosion of the state has been gaining pace. The signs are visible, but the response of the civilian and military leaders to this existentialist threat to Pakistan is weak, meek and directionless. It is not an alarmist view. The reality is staring us at our face.
The D I Khan jailbreak only manifests what lies in store for the country in the near- to mid-term. The facts of this latest episode are chilling and expose the fragility of the state. The Taliban militants came in the dozens on motorbikes, vans and trucks. Nobody checked or stopped them all through their journey from their hideouts to the D I Khan prison, which all innocent minds thought remained heavily fortified 24/7.
The militants did not blow up the colonial-era main gate of the jail. It was opened for them from the inside. Most of the force deployed to guard the prison melted away as the militants took over. Many police officers and constables took shelter in sewers or locked themselves in this room or that. In a nutshell, it was a total surrender, but not the first one in our chequered past.
However, it would be too simplistic and naïve to brush away this dark episode by blaming only the police and accusing its personnel of incompetence and cowardice. The top civilian and military leaders cannot absolve themselves from the responsibility of this mega failure. It is a chain reaction that started from the top. The security institutions cannot simply pass on the buck to the jail authorities by leaking stories to the media that, despite intelligence reports of an imminent attack, they failed to act.
The fundamental question that needs to be answered is why the police guards and the men of the Frontier Reserve Force acted the way they did. Were some of them in league with the militants? Were they demoralised or lacked direction and sense of purpose? If yes, why? The answer is painfully simple. When the civilian and military leaders themselves appear confused and unable to set their priorities right, how can one expect the ordinary policeman or soldier to act decisively and with a sense of purpose? Okay, we know that Army Chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani has declared the war against terror as ‘our war’ – not once but several times. But what’s beyond that? Mere words can be no substitute for action.
Sadly, the initiative in this protracted conflict now lies with the militants and not with the government or the security forces. It is the militants who select targets and rules of engagement rather than the mighty military establishment. The operation in North Waziristan and in other safe havens of militancy and their massive support and finance structure across the country continues to remain a distant dream. The tentacles of the Al-Qaeda-inspired local militant groups are spread wide and deep.
We have just seen an attack on the ISI centre in Sukkur, which demonstrated the wide network of these terror groups. The army leadership seems to be waiting for a cue from civilian leaders, who are unclear whether to talk or fight with militants. They seem to deflect the real issue of extremism and terrorism by raising non-issues. Their short-sightedness and political differences have made even holding the government-sponsored all-parties conference on this vital issue a difficult task.
Most Pakistani leaders – be they in power or in opposition – blame the US drone attacks for terrorism and suicide attacks in the country rather than realising that it is the presence of local and Al-Qaeda-linked foreign militants on our soil that invite these predator flying machines. Indeed, they are playing to the small but organised and vocal pro-Taliban and Al-Qaeda segment of the society that has been holding the popular narrative in Pakistan hostage with their half-truths and narrow world view.
But this policy of appeasing militants, their cheerleaders and apologist is self-defeating. The body count of more than 50,000 Pakistanis, including nearly 4,000 security personnel, killed by terrorists since 2002 shows the massive price Pakistan has been paying through tears and blood.
From Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to Army Chief Kayani and from Taliban apologists such as Imran Khan, Fazlur Rehman and Munawar Hasan to the former ruling party, the PPP – all stand guilty and responsible for Pakistan’s current predicaments.
Whatever direction the US end-game in Afghanistan takes, Pakistan would still need to clean its stables and bring its house in order. Before any action, clarity of intention is vital – something that remains wanting in our echelons of power. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif needs to be on the same page with the military on confronting this challenge. He has the majority in parliament and also has many allies who would support this effort. He should not become hostage to Taliban apologists. APC or no APC, it is the time for him to take the lead and own this conflict to save the country.
The civil and military leadership should realise that after two successful jailbreaks and daring attacks on military installations, the militants can pick bigger and more sensitive targets. Already, there are international concerns about the safety of our nuclear arsenal. These concerns gain currency when jailbreaks like D I Khan occur or militants manage to strike the GHQ.
Given the current confusion in the minds of our top civilian leaders, who are caught in a ‘talks’ phobia,’ it would be difficult for foot soldiers to fight with 100 percent conviction. They need to see the enemy in black and white. Any grey areas will only hurt the war efforts. Are the civilian and military leaders up to the challenge or is this process of implosion of the state and its institutions irreversible?
This failing state can still be saved, but for this to happen, the leadership must set its priorities right and act with determination and courage. The objective conditions are indeed alarming. It will take no less than a miracle or larger-than-life leaders to save this ship from sinking. Let’s hope and pray for the best. What else can we do?
The News
Monday, August 5, 2013
It would be too simplistic and naïve to brush away the dark episode of D I Khan jailbreak by blaming only the police and accusing its personnel of incompetence and cowardice. The top civilian and military leaders cannot absolve themselves from the responsibility of this mega failure.
The brazen July 29 jailbreak in D I Khan is another ominous indication of the failing writ of the state in the world’s lone nuclear-armed Muslim nation. It is one more sign that the security institutions of this Islamic republic have started to implode – not with a bang, but a whimper in the face of a determined and resolute adversary.
The painless escape of nearly 250 prisoners – many of them hardcore terrorists – is one of the countless alarm bells that have been continuously ringing in the form of deadly suicide bombings, terror attacks and the reign of lawlessness and mayhem across Pakistan for the past several years. But is anyone on those high and mighty positions paying heed to these warning signs? Is the civil and military leadership grasping the gravity of the situation? Do they have any plan, road map or strategy to end this perpetual state of anarchy?
The state of near-paralysis the government and the security establishment seem to be in about confronting the challenge of extremism and terrorism hardly give one any hope. The rot has set in deep. The Pakistani state appears to be staggering as militants strike one blow after another. It is not just the inaction of civilian and military leaders that is baffling. Perhaps more bizarre is their confused state of mind and lack of clarity on how to deal with the Al-Qaeda-inspired local militants. Unfortunately, the Pakistani leadership seems to be unable to decide whether these militants are enemies of the state or mere estranged friends.
However, the militants are clear-headed about their objectives. They kill and execute security officials and civilians alike without any remorse or apology. The 2012 Bannu jailbreak is still fresh in our minds. The attacks on military headquarters and various other sensitive installations, including airbases, underline the grim reality that our armed forces remain unsafe even in their own backyard. This should give sleepless nights to the army’s hierarchy, but they appear to give the impression that they are still masters of the situation. Ironically, they are not.
The nuclear-armed giant remains unable to act, react or even think clearly. The state is bleeding from a thousand small wounds. The process of implosion of the state has been gaining pace. The signs are visible, but the response of the civilian and military leaders to this existentialist threat to Pakistan is weak, meek and directionless. It is not an alarmist view. The reality is staring us at our face.
The D I Khan jailbreak only manifests what lies in store for the country in the near- to mid-term. The facts of this latest episode are chilling and expose the fragility of the state. The Taliban militants came in the dozens on motorbikes, vans and trucks. Nobody checked or stopped them all through their journey from their hideouts to the D I Khan prison, which all innocent minds thought remained heavily fortified 24/7.
The militants did not blow up the colonial-era main gate of the jail. It was opened for them from the inside. Most of the force deployed to guard the prison melted away as the militants took over. Many police officers and constables took shelter in sewers or locked themselves in this room or that. In a nutshell, it was a total surrender, but not the first one in our chequered past.
However, it would be too simplistic and naïve to brush away this dark episode by blaming only the police and accusing its personnel of incompetence and cowardice. The top civilian and military leaders cannot absolve themselves from the responsibility of this mega failure. It is a chain reaction that started from the top. The security institutions cannot simply pass on the buck to the jail authorities by leaking stories to the media that, despite intelligence reports of an imminent attack, they failed to act.
The fundamental question that needs to be answered is why the police guards and the men of the Frontier Reserve Force acted the way they did. Were some of them in league with the militants? Were they demoralised or lacked direction and sense of purpose? If yes, why? The answer is painfully simple. When the civilian and military leaders themselves appear confused and unable to set their priorities right, how can one expect the ordinary policeman or soldier to act decisively and with a sense of purpose? Okay, we know that Army Chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani has declared the war against terror as ‘our war’ – not once but several times. But what’s beyond that? Mere words can be no substitute for action.
Sadly, the initiative in this protracted conflict now lies with the militants and not with the government or the security forces. It is the militants who select targets and rules of engagement rather than the mighty military establishment. The operation in North Waziristan and in other safe havens of militancy and their massive support and finance structure across the country continues to remain a distant dream. The tentacles of the Al-Qaeda-inspired local militant groups are spread wide and deep.
We have just seen an attack on the ISI centre in Sukkur, which demonstrated the wide network of these terror groups. The army leadership seems to be waiting for a cue from civilian leaders, who are unclear whether to talk or fight with militants. They seem to deflect the real issue of extremism and terrorism by raising non-issues. Their short-sightedness and political differences have made even holding the government-sponsored all-parties conference on this vital issue a difficult task.
Most Pakistani leaders – be they in power or in opposition – blame the US drone attacks for terrorism and suicide attacks in the country rather than realising that it is the presence of local and Al-Qaeda-linked foreign militants on our soil that invite these predator flying machines. Indeed, they are playing to the small but organised and vocal pro-Taliban and Al-Qaeda segment of the society that has been holding the popular narrative in Pakistan hostage with their half-truths and narrow world view.
But this policy of appeasing militants, their cheerleaders and apologist is self-defeating. The body count of more than 50,000 Pakistanis, including nearly 4,000 security personnel, killed by terrorists since 2002 shows the massive price Pakistan has been paying through tears and blood.
From Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to Army Chief Kayani and from Taliban apologists such as Imran Khan, Fazlur Rehman and Munawar Hasan to the former ruling party, the PPP – all stand guilty and responsible for Pakistan’s current predicaments.
Whatever direction the US end-game in Afghanistan takes, Pakistan would still need to clean its stables and bring its house in order. Before any action, clarity of intention is vital – something that remains wanting in our echelons of power. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif needs to be on the same page with the military on confronting this challenge. He has the majority in parliament and also has many allies who would support this effort. He should not become hostage to Taliban apologists. APC or no APC, it is the time for him to take the lead and own this conflict to save the country.
The civil and military leadership should realise that after two successful jailbreaks and daring attacks on military installations, the militants can pick bigger and more sensitive targets. Already, there are international concerns about the safety of our nuclear arsenal. These concerns gain currency when jailbreaks like D I Khan occur or militants manage to strike the GHQ.
Given the current confusion in the minds of our top civilian leaders, who are caught in a ‘talks’ phobia,’ it would be difficult for foot soldiers to fight with 100 percent conviction. They need to see the enemy in black and white. Any grey areas will only hurt the war efforts. Are the civilian and military leaders up to the challenge or is this process of implosion of the state and its institutions irreversible?
This failing state can still be saved, but for this to happen, the leadership must set its priorities right and act with determination and courage. The objective conditions are indeed alarming. It will take no less than a miracle or larger-than-life leaders to save this ship from sinking. Let’s hope and pray for the best. What else can we do?
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