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Monday, October 21, 2013

No Child’s Play

By Amir Zia
Monday, October 21, 2013
The News
 
Those looking for a statesman-like speech from young Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari must adjust their great expectations with today’s reality of the Asif Ali Zardari-led PPP.... The civilian leadership has yet to offer a knight in shining armour, who can fight the case for a progressive, modern and stable Pakistan
 
The October 18 speech of Pakistan People’s Party Chairman Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari has raised a lot of eyebrows and brought frowns on many faces. The way the young Bhutto-Zardari scoffed at his party’s traditional and not-so-traditional political rivals has been seen to be in bad taste by many of the ardent critics of the PPP and its leadership. While the diehard PPP supporters looked for glimpses of their slain leader Benazir Bhutto’s charisma, traits and flair in Bilawal as he spoke at Karachi’s Karsaz traffic junction where the convoy of his mother was hit by twin bombings that killed 176 people the same day six years ago, the hair-splitters focused on the content, message and tone of the speech. And in a way, Bilawal provided fuel to the imaginations of both his critics and admirers.
The PPP chairman’s metaphors of hunting down the lion, freeing the people of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa from the destructive hold of the tsunami and snapping the string of the kite hovering over Karachi skies by telephone from London could indeed sound provocative and a bit rash to the ruling Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz, Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement, but they resonate in the hearts and minds of the core PPP supporters who stood loyal to the tricolour flag of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s party, particularly in rural Sindh, through thick and thin – regardless of how it performed when in power. 
Bilawal – as many other Pakistani politicians remains so fond of doing – not just dabbled in verbosity but deliberately tried to stoke up controversy in this first major speech after turning 25 last month; this makes him eligible to contest elections. In the game of politics, attempts to grab attention by being controversial remain a fair deal. Let’s think of a major name in Pakistani politics who has not committed this ‘sin’. So let’s shun ‘holier-than-thou’ approach.
Those looking for a statesman-like speech from this youngster must also adjust their great expectations with today’s reality of the Asif Ali Zardari-led PPP. The former ruling party has a long, long way to go if it wants to revive its deeply eroded political fortunes. The process involves an intellectually honest review and criticism of the party’s past five-year performance. Unfortunately, this does not seem to be on the agenda of its young or old leadership.
However, if one must grab and cling to some straws then Bilawal’s assertion of declaring jihad (holy war) against the “hijackers of the faith” and fighting the extremist forces should offer some hope to the PPP’s traditional liberal and secular vote bank. These were brave words from a youngster who lost his mother under tragic circumstances at the hands of these misguided hard-line Islamists with whom the entire civilian leadership, including the PPP which attended the government-sponsored APC of September 9, appeared willing and desperate to talk.

Should we now expect the PPP to take a clearer and bolder stand on confronting the challenge of extremism and terrorism that plagues the country and has claimed more than 50,000 lives since the US-led war on terror started in neighbouring Afghanistan in late 2001? Let’s hope that Bilawal, with the blessings and permission of his father Asif Ali Zardari, manages to bring clarity on this make-or-break issue for the country – a clarity that was found lacking during his party’s last stint in power.
Bilawal must ponder hard over why his party failed to provide a counter narrative to that of the Al-Qaeda-inspired and linked local extremists, who killed his mother and some top leaders of the party. Why did the PPP fail to lead and take ownership of the war on terror despite the army’s willingness to do so when it was in power? Many Pakistanis expected this from the PPP along with relatively clean and efficient governance. But the PPP failed on both these counts.
Will the PPP in opposition manage to put the challenge of extremism and terrorism in the right perspective and snatch the initiative from apologists of the local Taliban including Nawaz Sharif, Imran Khan, Maulana Fazlur Rehman and Munawar Hasan? So far, the PPP has not been able to do so or come up with a counter narrative to that of hard-line Islamists and their backers.

If Bilawal manages to pursue his ‘holy war’ against those who, in his own words, ‘abuse Islam’ it could prove a watershed in Pakistani politics. This issue alone would define both the future of Pakistan and PPP’s politics. Since all the major centre and right-wing political parties – the PML-N, the PTI, the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam and the Jamaat-e-Islami – are for the outright appeasement of terrorists and extremists, any firmer and bolder stance against these forces could prove to be a game-changer and fill the political void against the backdrop of the one-sided pro-talks and pro-Taliban narrative.
Imran Khan and his like appear hell-bent to undermine the state and its institutions when they beg and plead for talks with the local Taliban after every fresh incident of terrorism. They want the state institutions to allow these non-state actors to open offices as they urge these terrorists and murderers to stop bombings on humanitarian grounds. Yes, the PTI refuses to learn and correct itself despite the killing of its three lawmakers, including the latest assassination of provincial law minister Israrullah Gandapur in a suicide attack on the occasion of Eidul Azha.
The PPP can lead this fight on ideological grounds. It has all the right ingredients to do so and will find many allies in the vast civil society, anti-Taliban political parties and even the armed forces. The only thing the party lacks is leadership and vision. Should Bilawal, at the politically tender age of 25, be able to pull it off? Are we expecting and asking too much from him and a party that failed to do this when it was in power? There are reasons for us to be sceptical.
Even if the PPP leadership turns over a new leaf (can this miracle happen?), becomes slightly honest, and ready to address some of its past mistakes, throwing down a gauntlet to extremists and terrorists and their cheerleaders in the mainstream political parties won’t prove to be child’s play. This conflict is not for the faint-hearted. It requires courageous, upright, committed and visionary leadership – qualities which appear lacking in PPP’s current top- and first-tier leaders.

Bilawal has giant challenges and internal dilemmas weighing on his inexperienced and young shoulders. The hereditary democracy of South Asia – where the right to lead and rule is often passed from one generation to another, or from husband to widow or wife to husband – itself often proves the biggest obstacle for the political parties in providing competent, efficient and honest leadership. 
Yet, South Asia, including Pakistan, remains far from being out of the clutches of hereditary politics in which personalities overshadow most issues including ideology. Therefore, Bilawal appears all set to rule one of Pakistan’s major political parties and represent the most dynamic political dynasties. It would be largely up to him how he grows or diminishes in this job. The choices he makes and the roads he takes will not just define his own politics, but will also impact the country. Let’s keep our fingers crossed…Let’s hope that Bilawal makes a difference for the better for this wretched country that is in the throes of a make-or-break conflict with extremists. The only irony is that the civilian leadership has yet to offer a knight in shining armour who can fight the case for a progressive, modern and stable Pakistan that remains at peace with itself, its neighbours and the world.

 

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