By Amir Zia
November 3, 2014
The News
Let’s try to live as one people and share Sindh rather than raising the slogan that ‘we will die but not hand over Sindh to others’. In today’s world, the battle-cries of the 19th century are not likely to work.
Our good luck that Cyclone Nilofar bypassed Karachi and other coastal parts of Sindh – but that does not mean that citizens of this restive province can breathe easy now. The political atmosphere continues to remain overcast and has all the ingredients to stoke a perfect storm in this ethnically diverse and poorly governed province.
The MQM’s recent parting of ways with the PPP – the fifth since December 2010 – is just a symptom of the brewing storm in Sindh. The exchange of angry, bitter and provocative statements between the two sides is not the cause but the manifestation of major contradictions which the political stakeholders in Sindh have failed to address on the basis of give-and-take.
The emotional slogans for the creation of a Mohajir province – from which the MQM has been quick to distance itself – and the PPP’s young chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari’s reiteration of the historic 19th century battle cry of Hoshu Mohammed Sheedi against the British forces – ‘Marvesoon, Marvesson, par Sindh na Desoo’ (We will die but not hand over Sindh to others) – are mere distractions from the core problems of this province.
However, such emotional slogan-mongering has all the potential to ignite passions of hatred and aggravate violence and lawlessness in Sindh, which has a long history of low- to high-intensity bloodletting on one pretext or the other. Political and ethnic turf wars, sectarian and religiously motivated killings, terrorism, and organised crime coupled with a dysfunctional civic, administrative and judicial system make Sindh, especially its urban centres, one of the biggest governance challenges in the country. The thin veneer of apparent normality can shatter anytime if the political stakeholders continue to stoke ethnic passions for their narrow self-interests.
Ironically, these grave issues do not even appear on the agenda of the major parties for a serious and dispassionate debate and discussion, let alone any meaningful efforts for their resolution.
What ails this resource-rich province?
You ask the PPP leaders and they will come up with a long list of complaints against their former ally, the MQM, about how it brutalised and criminalised politics in urban Sindh – especially Karachi. They blame the MQM’s unbending desire to dominate and monopolise politics of the province’s urban centres as the major source of conflict and discord.
You ask the MQM and hear graphic details about the PPP’s pathetic governance record, massive corruption and indifference toward the issues of both the urban and rural population. The MQM’s long list of complaints include the PPP’s unwillingness to hold local bodies elections, and its controversial decisions to place urban institutions – such as the Karachi Building Control Authority – under the provincial government by rechristening it as the Sindh Building Control Authority.
In a nutshell, the MQM demands devolution of power and a fair distribution of financial resources and jobs, though it usually fails to effectively articulate the case of urban areas because of its penchant for aggressively raising non-issues that overshadow even its fair demands.
A case in point is how the MQM reacted to the PPP’s senior leader Syed Khursheed Shah’s alleged derogatory remarks about ‘Mohajirs’ and accused him of blasphemy. Mercifully, MQM leader Altaf Hussain gave prudent advice to his local leadership to stop targeting Shah in their statements and refrain from raising sensitive issues. But that happened after a lot of bad blood had already been created. Many wondered about the direction of this urban-based party, which wants to portray itself as a liberal, moderate, progressive and democratic force.
The MQM’s efforts to emerge as a multi-ethnic party, with roots in all the provinces, face an obstacle from within as its lawmakers and representatives keep returning to the Mohajir card. This has happened too often in recent years. The MQM painstakingly takes 10 baby-steps to dispel the perception that it is an ethnic party, but then one giant leap backwards wrecks all the previous hard work.
The MQM think tank needs to ponder over this dilemma. Creating a multi-ethnic party should not be a matter of mere political slogan, but an unwavering belief.
If the MQM is serious about transforming itself into a national party, it should try to unite people on the basis of common issues rather than narrow ethnic lines. Given the fast changing demography of urban Sindh, perhaps this is in the enlightened self-interest of the MQM or any other political force aiming to do popular politics in Sindh.
The absence of a mass-transit system in Karachi, a mega city of more than 18 million people, hurts people belonging to all the ethnic groups. They need a champion to raise this demand. Similarly, soaring crimes, terrorism and extremism affects every Karachiite – new or old. The demand for an effective local bodies system, devolution of power to the district level, rule of law, the dream of living in a modern, organised, and peaceful city – these issues are close to the heart of all sane minds, regardless of their sectarian, ethnic or religious affiliations.
Even those political forces that practically abhor the idea of strong local governments and devolution of power – as is the case with both the PPP and the PML-N which derive power from their respective provincial governments in Sindh and Punjab – are not in a position to openly oppose these demands on principle. At best, they can apply delaying tactics as they have been doing since 2008 and blunt the local bodies system by curtailing its powers – as has been the case.
The pro-devolution forces, however, can mobilise public opinion and launch protests to get their demands accepted. It would be a tall order, but is doable within the norms of democratic and constitutional struggle. The only challenge is how to articulate, present and fight the pro-people case.
On its part, the PPP has long abandoned the politics of Sindh’s urban areas. It seems content being the party that overwhelmingly represents the interest of the ruling elite of rural Sindh. The poor and downtrodden people, including the landless peasants, of Sindh continue to be mesmerised by the Bhutto card.
But the question is: for how long? When it comes to delivering the fruits of democracy – which go beyond the mere right to vote – the PPP has been unable to bring about social and economic development even in its rural bastion of power and the smaller cities and towns of Sindh. Poor governance and rampant corruption is not just a perception about the PPP, but a reality.
In Karachi, the party empowered gangs of criminals in a few of its remaining strongholds including Lyari. It failed to take ownership of the provincial capital, which has become more inhospitable, uglier, lawless and chaotic under the stewardship of former president Asif Ali Zardari’s near and dear ones. Yes, the ageing Chief Minister Syed Qaim Ali Shah is only a symbolic head; the real power in Sindh is in the hands of Zardari’s chosen ones under whom all sorts of mafias have prospered and thrived – starting from encroachment and builders’ mafias to those running water hydrants, and those placing billboards on every available space, even on the fast dwindling footpaths.
It is a city where civic services are on the brink of collapse, water has to be bought from truckers, and a vast number of people have to travel on the rooftops of rickety passenger buses and vans. One can keep adding to this list, which makes Karachi a hard, dangerous place to live and where crime and politics feed one another.
No wonder there is so much rage and pent up emotions among the dwellers of Karachi. They want a change. Will the PPP, the MQM or any other force manage to transform itself inside out and lead the way? Objectively speaking, this miracle seems nowhere in sight.
But for a change, let’s try to live as one people and share Sindh rather than raising the slogan that ‘we will die but not hand over Sindh to others’. In today’s world, the battle-cries of the 19th century are not likely to work.
November 3, 2014
The News
Let’s try to live as one people and share Sindh rather than raising the slogan that ‘we will die but not hand over Sindh to others’. In today’s world, the battle-cries of the 19th century are not likely to work.
Our good luck that Cyclone Nilofar bypassed Karachi and other coastal parts of Sindh – but that does not mean that citizens of this restive province can breathe easy now. The political atmosphere continues to remain overcast and has all the ingredients to stoke a perfect storm in this ethnically diverse and poorly governed province.
The MQM’s recent parting of ways with the PPP – the fifth since December 2010 – is just a symptom of the brewing storm in Sindh. The exchange of angry, bitter and provocative statements between the two sides is not the cause but the manifestation of major contradictions which the political stakeholders in Sindh have failed to address on the basis of give-and-take.
The emotional slogans for the creation of a Mohajir province – from which the MQM has been quick to distance itself – and the PPP’s young chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari’s reiteration of the historic 19th century battle cry of Hoshu Mohammed Sheedi against the British forces – ‘Marvesoon, Marvesson, par Sindh na Desoo’ (We will die but not hand over Sindh to others) – are mere distractions from the core problems of this province.
However, such emotional slogan-mongering has all the potential to ignite passions of hatred and aggravate violence and lawlessness in Sindh, which has a long history of low- to high-intensity bloodletting on one pretext or the other. Political and ethnic turf wars, sectarian and religiously motivated killings, terrorism, and organised crime coupled with a dysfunctional civic, administrative and judicial system make Sindh, especially its urban centres, one of the biggest governance challenges in the country. The thin veneer of apparent normality can shatter anytime if the political stakeholders continue to stoke ethnic passions for their narrow self-interests.
Ironically, these grave issues do not even appear on the agenda of the major parties for a serious and dispassionate debate and discussion, let alone any meaningful efforts for their resolution.
What ails this resource-rich province?
You ask the PPP leaders and they will come up with a long list of complaints against their former ally, the MQM, about how it brutalised and criminalised politics in urban Sindh – especially Karachi. They blame the MQM’s unbending desire to dominate and monopolise politics of the province’s urban centres as the major source of conflict and discord.
You ask the MQM and hear graphic details about the PPP’s pathetic governance record, massive corruption and indifference toward the issues of both the urban and rural population. The MQM’s long list of complaints include the PPP’s unwillingness to hold local bodies elections, and its controversial decisions to place urban institutions – such as the Karachi Building Control Authority – under the provincial government by rechristening it as the Sindh Building Control Authority.
In a nutshell, the MQM demands devolution of power and a fair distribution of financial resources and jobs, though it usually fails to effectively articulate the case of urban areas because of its penchant for aggressively raising non-issues that overshadow even its fair demands.
A case in point is how the MQM reacted to the PPP’s senior leader Syed Khursheed Shah’s alleged derogatory remarks about ‘Mohajirs’ and accused him of blasphemy. Mercifully, MQM leader Altaf Hussain gave prudent advice to his local leadership to stop targeting Shah in their statements and refrain from raising sensitive issues. But that happened after a lot of bad blood had already been created. Many wondered about the direction of this urban-based party, which wants to portray itself as a liberal, moderate, progressive and democratic force.
The MQM’s efforts to emerge as a multi-ethnic party, with roots in all the provinces, face an obstacle from within as its lawmakers and representatives keep returning to the Mohajir card. This has happened too often in recent years. The MQM painstakingly takes 10 baby-steps to dispel the perception that it is an ethnic party, but then one giant leap backwards wrecks all the previous hard work.
The MQM think tank needs to ponder over this dilemma. Creating a multi-ethnic party should not be a matter of mere political slogan, but an unwavering belief.
If the MQM is serious about transforming itself into a national party, it should try to unite people on the basis of common issues rather than narrow ethnic lines. Given the fast changing demography of urban Sindh, perhaps this is in the enlightened self-interest of the MQM or any other political force aiming to do popular politics in Sindh.
The absence of a mass-transit system in Karachi, a mega city of more than 18 million people, hurts people belonging to all the ethnic groups. They need a champion to raise this demand. Similarly, soaring crimes, terrorism and extremism affects every Karachiite – new or old. The demand for an effective local bodies system, devolution of power to the district level, rule of law, the dream of living in a modern, organised, and peaceful city – these issues are close to the heart of all sane minds, regardless of their sectarian, ethnic or religious affiliations.
Even those political forces that practically abhor the idea of strong local governments and devolution of power – as is the case with both the PPP and the PML-N which derive power from their respective provincial governments in Sindh and Punjab – are not in a position to openly oppose these demands on principle. At best, they can apply delaying tactics as they have been doing since 2008 and blunt the local bodies system by curtailing its powers – as has been the case.
The pro-devolution forces, however, can mobilise public opinion and launch protests to get their demands accepted. It would be a tall order, but is doable within the norms of democratic and constitutional struggle. The only challenge is how to articulate, present and fight the pro-people case.
On its part, the PPP has long abandoned the politics of Sindh’s urban areas. It seems content being the party that overwhelmingly represents the interest of the ruling elite of rural Sindh. The poor and downtrodden people, including the landless peasants, of Sindh continue to be mesmerised by the Bhutto card.
But the question is: for how long? When it comes to delivering the fruits of democracy – which go beyond the mere right to vote – the PPP has been unable to bring about social and economic development even in its rural bastion of power and the smaller cities and towns of Sindh. Poor governance and rampant corruption is not just a perception about the PPP, but a reality.
In Karachi, the party empowered gangs of criminals in a few of its remaining strongholds including Lyari. It failed to take ownership of the provincial capital, which has become more inhospitable, uglier, lawless and chaotic under the stewardship of former president Asif Ali Zardari’s near and dear ones. Yes, the ageing Chief Minister Syed Qaim Ali Shah is only a symbolic head; the real power in Sindh is in the hands of Zardari’s chosen ones under whom all sorts of mafias have prospered and thrived – starting from encroachment and builders’ mafias to those running water hydrants, and those placing billboards on every available space, even on the fast dwindling footpaths.
It is a city where civic services are on the brink of collapse, water has to be bought from truckers, and a vast number of people have to travel on the rooftops of rickety passenger buses and vans. One can keep adding to this list, which makes Karachi a hard, dangerous place to live and where crime and politics feed one another.
No wonder there is so much rage and pent up emotions among the dwellers of Karachi. They want a change. Will the PPP, the MQM or any other force manage to transform itself inside out and lead the way? Objectively speaking, this miracle seems nowhere in sight.
But for a change, let’s try to live as one people and share Sindh rather than raising the slogan that ‘we will die but not hand over Sindh to others’. In today’s world, the battle-cries of the 19th century are not likely to work.
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