By Amir Zia
The News
Year-End Special Report: Passing On The Baton
Wednesday, January 1, 2014
A policy seen by the world as appeasing the al Qaeda-inspired militants through offers of talks or inaction against them stands in conflict with Prime Minister Sharif’s vision of friendly and good ties with regional countries, including India and Afghanistan. It is a core issue that prevents peace in Pakistan and its economic revival and hurts its ties with the world powers and neighbours.
At one level, there has been a change of faces in the three key institutions — the executive, judiciary and the army — but at the other, most problems that plague the country’s political, social and economic landscape remained unchanged.
The country witnessed its first ever landmark transition from one elected government to another in 2013. Beating all the conspiracy theories and the looming specter of the unexpected at the last minute, Pakistan went to the polls and gave its verdict. The pre-election sit-in by Tahirul Qadri and his followers failed to bring down the system. The al-Qaeda linked and inspired militants targeted liberal politicians, hindering their election campaigns even before they had begun reaching out to the people. But the game continued. The right wing political parties - from the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) to Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf -had a free-hand to hold rallies and public meetings and got the advantage. The only mishap that occurred was when the mighty Khan fell while being lifted to a makeshift stage in Lahore, sustaining head and back injuries.
A new parliament and a new government took charge, though the composition of its members overwhelmingly came from the same ruling elite comprising the landed aristocracy, tribal leaders, rich industrialists and businessmen and a handful of representatives from the middle and even fewer from the lower-middle classes. The PML-N got a clear mandate to rule the country for five years largely on the back of landslide support from the country’s most populous Punjab province. The Pakistan Peoples’ Party of Asif Ali Zardari was reduced to rural Sindh as its candidates got routed in the main battlegrounds of Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Some political parties managed to cling to their vote banks, others saw their representation in parliament decimated.
Angry captain Imran Khan screamed of foul play, but the post-election game continued as Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif started his innings with a lot of hope, but short of action on many key fronts including terrorism and tough decisions to fix the country’s battered economy. His initial months in power saw him batting cautiously in the day and age of an independent judiciary, free media and a deeply entrenched military leadership. But toward the end of 2013, it was the time for change of guards and faces in the mighty military establishment and the judiciary, which is likely to provide a freer hand to Sharif in 2014.
Army Chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani hung his boots on November 29th after holding command of the seventh largest army of the world for six long years. He announced his own retirement and will be remembered as a man in uniform who made the country’s democratic transition from one elected government to another possible.
During his eventful innings as the army chief he called the shots on key foreign policy and security issues, kept the fight against terrorism going in fits and starts, despite a reluctant civilian leadership and equally suspicious western partners, especially the United States. He won the battle against militants in Swat, but the internal one-sided war raged on as the militants kept on the offensive and the state institutions suddenly appeared directionless and paralysed.
His leadership was tested when the United States killed terrorist mastermind Osama bin Laden by carrying out a raid deep inside Pakistan in the garrison city of Abbottabad in 2011, but he bounced back. He remained a hawk in guarding the military’s perceived security paradigm and strategic interests of the country, and tried to play the role of a watchdog while dealing with the elected representatives. He, however, did not upset the applecart and banked on behind the scene wheeling and dealing to keep the civilian leaders on a tight-leash.
Gen Kayaini passed on the baton to General Raheel Sharif, who faces more or less the same internal and external security challenges as that of his predecessor, but a more determined civilian leadership vying to establish its control on key policy issues. In 2014, the new army chief will have to wade his way through the minefield of the country’s highly polarized political landscape which stand divided and fragmented on most key issues - from terrorism to relations with the United States and neighbouring India. How he adjusts the military’s security and strategic vision with that of the civilian leaders remains only one of his many challenges.
On 11-12-13, Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Chaudhry also bade adieu after playing a gritty innings. He will be remembered as the man who stood up to a military ruler, questioned the institutions and executive alike over their sins of commission and omission. In doing so, he became a darling for many and the most unloved person by those in power. He provided daily headlines and took suo-moto actions at the drop of a hat when he saw institutions failing to act according to the law and Constitution. He wrote a new chapter of judicial activism and championing popular causes. His legacy will serve as a yardstick for his successors for many years to come. The new Chief Justice Tassadaq Hussain Jillani will have to perform the Herculean task of living up to the legacy of the former chief justice as well as writing his own in the months to come.
While 2013 witnessed new faces adorn all our key institutions, many of the multi-faceted crises the country confronts lingered on.
The al-Qaeda inspired and linked extremists continued to wage their war on the Pakistani state and its people. They continued to explode bombs, conduct terrorist attacks and kill security personnel and civilians as they did in the past. The response of the state institutions and the government also remained unchanged to all this bloodletting, the mutilated bodies of our civilians, severed-heads of our soldiers and bombed mosques, churches, schools and markets. They opted for mostly a wait-and-see approach, at times for some firefighting measures and largely applying the tried and tested policy of appeasement and conciliation with militant bands in the hope that the twin challenges of extremism and terrorism will just fade away. But the resolute and determined internal enemy has loads of appetite to continue to act as it has been acting all these years - no matter how many tears our Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan may shed over the killing of militants and their bosses in the “unwanted” US drone attacks and may plead and beg for peace talks. So in 2014, extremism and terrorism will continue to haunt this world’s lone nuclear-armed Islamic nation. With the outlawed Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan under the command of hard-line cleric Mullah Fazalullah, aka Mulla Radio, incidents of terrorism are likely to intensify as the new leader will seek to prove his credentials and effectiveness. Despite the keenness of the civilian leaders to hold talks with militants, their tough conditions, antipathy to democracy and the Constitution and the continuing US drone attacks are unlikely to bring them to the table for any meaningful settlement.
The United States and its allies’ planned drawback of troops from war-ravaged Afghanistan, and their expectations from Pakistan to keep its routes open and safe to the land-locked central Asian state, have made the issue more complex given Imran Khan’s blockade of NATO supplies. This has not just strained Pakistan’s ties with Washington again, but also threatens the much-needed US assistance for the country’s ailing economy. The civil and military leadership will find itself on a sticky wicket in 2014 against the backdrop of the growing anti-US rhetoric of the right wing parties and the pressing need of good relations with the world power. Ironically, the emotional outbursts of some of the veterans of the Sharif government against the US drone strikes are not helping the cause of opting for a sensible and middle course on this vital issue.
A policy seen by the world as appeasing the al Qaeda-inspired militants through offers of talks or inaction against them also stands in conflict with Prime Minister Sharif’s vision of friendly and good ties with regional countries, including India and Afghanistan. It is a core issue that prevents peace in Pakistan and its economic revival and hurts its ties with the world powers and neighbours.
Connected directly to the challenge of Islamic militancy are the twin ghosts of religious bigotry and sectarian strife that remained among the constant themes, dominating headlines and our lives in 2013. The message of hate, intolerance, violence and confrontation kept emanating from many pulpits and unregulated seminaries. The narrow world view and the flawed sectarian interpretation of Islam espoused by many clerics sharpened the divide within the Muslim body politic as well as transformed Pakistan into a highly intolerant society where religious minorities felt insecure and even followers of one sect of Islam felt threatened and vulnerable from the other.
The year 2013 ended underlining this grim reality that this menace is consuming our society from within. Religion and growing religiosity have become a dividing rather than unifying force. In 2014, sectarian discord will continue to undermine and mar the true message of Islam that stand for peace and moderation in walks of life.
The issue of lawlessness and the weak writ of the state - reflected in rampant crime across the country, violation of even basic civic and traffic laws in major urban centres and the vast stretches of ungoverned territory from densely populated Karachi to the rugged mountains in the tribal areas - also remained largely unaddressed in 2013. The unholy nexus between politics and crime remained unbroken. Criminals and mafia dons continued to operate under the banner of various political parties and conveniently politicised crime and criminalised our politics. Pakistan will carry this baggage in 2014 as the politics of expediency, opportunism and vested interests reign supreme in the land of the pure.
The trial for treason of former military ruler Pervez Musharraf — who returned to Pakistan with high hopes only to be dashed because of his disqualification from the elections and hearing of a bunch of cases against him — will be an interesting sideshow that will keep generating media hype and debate that will often eclipse the real issues.
However, in 2014 Pakistan’s new civil and military leaders will find themselves in a far from enviable position because of the kind of mega complex challenges they are faced with. But one positive that emerges like a flash from these dark clouds remains that the country and its institutions are starting to learn to live with democracy with all its current flaws and weaknesses. It will be a test of patience, but the success would lie in keeping the course.
In this sea of troubles, another glimmer of hope is offered by the resilient, hardworking Pakistani people. Their spirits refuse to die despite all the terrorism, lawlessness, crime, economic woes, poor governance and bad leadership and that take their toll on their lives on a daily basis. They have shown the ability and capacity to bounce back from the brink and raise themselves again from the ashes to keep the Pakistani spirit alive. The year 2013 tested them to the utmost and 2014 will test them again, but the people of Pakistan know how to keep moving ahead and to perform miracles through their drive, hard work, entrepreneurship and ingenuity. They remain Pakistan’s best bet in 2014 and beyond.
The News
Year-End Special Report: Passing On The Baton
Wednesday, January 1, 2014
A policy seen by the world as appeasing the al Qaeda-inspired militants through offers of talks or inaction against them stands in conflict with Prime Minister Sharif’s vision of friendly and good ties with regional countries, including India and Afghanistan. It is a core issue that prevents peace in Pakistan and its economic revival and hurts its ties with the world powers and neighbours.
At one level, there has been a change of faces in the three key institutions — the executive, judiciary and the army — but at the other, most problems that plague the country’s political, social and economic landscape remained unchanged.
The country witnessed its first ever landmark transition from one elected government to another in 2013. Beating all the conspiracy theories and the looming specter of the unexpected at the last minute, Pakistan went to the polls and gave its verdict. The pre-election sit-in by Tahirul Qadri and his followers failed to bring down the system. The al-Qaeda linked and inspired militants targeted liberal politicians, hindering their election campaigns even before they had begun reaching out to the people. But the game continued. The right wing political parties - from the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) to Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf -had a free-hand to hold rallies and public meetings and got the advantage. The only mishap that occurred was when the mighty Khan fell while being lifted to a makeshift stage in Lahore, sustaining head and back injuries.
A new parliament and a new government took charge, though the composition of its members overwhelmingly came from the same ruling elite comprising the landed aristocracy, tribal leaders, rich industrialists and businessmen and a handful of representatives from the middle and even fewer from the lower-middle classes. The PML-N got a clear mandate to rule the country for five years largely on the back of landslide support from the country’s most populous Punjab province. The Pakistan Peoples’ Party of Asif Ali Zardari was reduced to rural Sindh as its candidates got routed in the main battlegrounds of Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Some political parties managed to cling to their vote banks, others saw their representation in parliament decimated.
Angry captain Imran Khan screamed of foul play, but the post-election game continued as Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif started his innings with a lot of hope, but short of action on many key fronts including terrorism and tough decisions to fix the country’s battered economy. His initial months in power saw him batting cautiously in the day and age of an independent judiciary, free media and a deeply entrenched military leadership. But toward the end of 2013, it was the time for change of guards and faces in the mighty military establishment and the judiciary, which is likely to provide a freer hand to Sharif in 2014.
Army Chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani hung his boots on November 29th after holding command of the seventh largest army of the world for six long years. He announced his own retirement and will be remembered as a man in uniform who made the country’s democratic transition from one elected government to another possible.
During his eventful innings as the army chief he called the shots on key foreign policy and security issues, kept the fight against terrorism going in fits and starts, despite a reluctant civilian leadership and equally suspicious western partners, especially the United States. He won the battle against militants in Swat, but the internal one-sided war raged on as the militants kept on the offensive and the state institutions suddenly appeared directionless and paralysed.
His leadership was tested when the United States killed terrorist mastermind Osama bin Laden by carrying out a raid deep inside Pakistan in the garrison city of Abbottabad in 2011, but he bounced back. He remained a hawk in guarding the military’s perceived security paradigm and strategic interests of the country, and tried to play the role of a watchdog while dealing with the elected representatives. He, however, did not upset the applecart and banked on behind the scene wheeling and dealing to keep the civilian leaders on a tight-leash.
Gen Kayaini passed on the baton to General Raheel Sharif, who faces more or less the same internal and external security challenges as that of his predecessor, but a more determined civilian leadership vying to establish its control on key policy issues. In 2014, the new army chief will have to wade his way through the minefield of the country’s highly polarized political landscape which stand divided and fragmented on most key issues - from terrorism to relations with the United States and neighbouring India. How he adjusts the military’s security and strategic vision with that of the civilian leaders remains only one of his many challenges.
On 11-12-13, Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Chaudhry also bade adieu after playing a gritty innings. He will be remembered as the man who stood up to a military ruler, questioned the institutions and executive alike over their sins of commission and omission. In doing so, he became a darling for many and the most unloved person by those in power. He provided daily headlines and took suo-moto actions at the drop of a hat when he saw institutions failing to act according to the law and Constitution. He wrote a new chapter of judicial activism and championing popular causes. His legacy will serve as a yardstick for his successors for many years to come. The new Chief Justice Tassadaq Hussain Jillani will have to perform the Herculean task of living up to the legacy of the former chief justice as well as writing his own in the months to come.
While 2013 witnessed new faces adorn all our key institutions, many of the multi-faceted crises the country confronts lingered on.
The al-Qaeda inspired and linked extremists continued to wage their war on the Pakistani state and its people. They continued to explode bombs, conduct terrorist attacks and kill security personnel and civilians as they did in the past. The response of the state institutions and the government also remained unchanged to all this bloodletting, the mutilated bodies of our civilians, severed-heads of our soldiers and bombed mosques, churches, schools and markets. They opted for mostly a wait-and-see approach, at times for some firefighting measures and largely applying the tried and tested policy of appeasement and conciliation with militant bands in the hope that the twin challenges of extremism and terrorism will just fade away. But the resolute and determined internal enemy has loads of appetite to continue to act as it has been acting all these years - no matter how many tears our Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan may shed over the killing of militants and their bosses in the “unwanted” US drone attacks and may plead and beg for peace talks. So in 2014, extremism and terrorism will continue to haunt this world’s lone nuclear-armed Islamic nation. With the outlawed Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan under the command of hard-line cleric Mullah Fazalullah, aka Mulla Radio, incidents of terrorism are likely to intensify as the new leader will seek to prove his credentials and effectiveness. Despite the keenness of the civilian leaders to hold talks with militants, their tough conditions, antipathy to democracy and the Constitution and the continuing US drone attacks are unlikely to bring them to the table for any meaningful settlement.
The United States and its allies’ planned drawback of troops from war-ravaged Afghanistan, and their expectations from Pakistan to keep its routes open and safe to the land-locked central Asian state, have made the issue more complex given Imran Khan’s blockade of NATO supplies. This has not just strained Pakistan’s ties with Washington again, but also threatens the much-needed US assistance for the country’s ailing economy. The civil and military leadership will find itself on a sticky wicket in 2014 against the backdrop of the growing anti-US rhetoric of the right wing parties and the pressing need of good relations with the world power. Ironically, the emotional outbursts of some of the veterans of the Sharif government against the US drone strikes are not helping the cause of opting for a sensible and middle course on this vital issue.
A policy seen by the world as appeasing the al Qaeda-inspired militants through offers of talks or inaction against them also stands in conflict with Prime Minister Sharif’s vision of friendly and good ties with regional countries, including India and Afghanistan. It is a core issue that prevents peace in Pakistan and its economic revival and hurts its ties with the world powers and neighbours.
Connected directly to the challenge of Islamic militancy are the twin ghosts of religious bigotry and sectarian strife that remained among the constant themes, dominating headlines and our lives in 2013. The message of hate, intolerance, violence and confrontation kept emanating from many pulpits and unregulated seminaries. The narrow world view and the flawed sectarian interpretation of Islam espoused by many clerics sharpened the divide within the Muslim body politic as well as transformed Pakistan into a highly intolerant society where religious minorities felt insecure and even followers of one sect of Islam felt threatened and vulnerable from the other.
The year 2013 ended underlining this grim reality that this menace is consuming our society from within. Religion and growing religiosity have become a dividing rather than unifying force. In 2014, sectarian discord will continue to undermine and mar the true message of Islam that stand for peace and moderation in walks of life.
The issue of lawlessness and the weak writ of the state - reflected in rampant crime across the country, violation of even basic civic and traffic laws in major urban centres and the vast stretches of ungoverned territory from densely populated Karachi to the rugged mountains in the tribal areas - also remained largely unaddressed in 2013. The unholy nexus between politics and crime remained unbroken. Criminals and mafia dons continued to operate under the banner of various political parties and conveniently politicised crime and criminalised our politics. Pakistan will carry this baggage in 2014 as the politics of expediency, opportunism and vested interests reign supreme in the land of the pure.
The trial for treason of former military ruler Pervez Musharraf — who returned to Pakistan with high hopes only to be dashed because of his disqualification from the elections and hearing of a bunch of cases against him — will be an interesting sideshow that will keep generating media hype and debate that will often eclipse the real issues.
However, in 2014 Pakistan’s new civil and military leaders will find themselves in a far from enviable position because of the kind of mega complex challenges they are faced with. But one positive that emerges like a flash from these dark clouds remains that the country and its institutions are starting to learn to live with democracy with all its current flaws and weaknesses. It will be a test of patience, but the success would lie in keeping the course.
In this sea of troubles, another glimmer of hope is offered by the resilient, hardworking Pakistani people. Their spirits refuse to die despite all the terrorism, lawlessness, crime, economic woes, poor governance and bad leadership and that take their toll on their lives on a daily basis. They have shown the ability and capacity to bounce back from the brink and raise themselves again from the ashes to keep the Pakistani spirit alive. The year 2013 tested them to the utmost and 2014 will test them again, but the people of Pakistan know how to keep moving ahead and to perform miracles through their drive, hard work, entrepreneurship and ingenuity. They remain Pakistan’s best bet in 2014 and beyond.
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