Amir Zia
The News
Monday, November 24, 2014
Many Pakistanis, who celebrated the country’s return to democracy in 2008, now stand frustrated because of the miserable performance of the two successive governments on most fronts. Whether it is managing the pressing energy crisis, the inability to implement the broader socio-economic reform agenda or providing efficient governance, the scorecard of both the PPP and then the PML-N remains poor
Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and his dream team may not like to acknowledge and face the writing on the wall, but today’s Pakistan craves for sweeping changes in its political, social and economic power structure.
One may differ and argue against the tactics of Imran Khan and Allama Tahirul Qadri, but what all they are saying is not completely nonsensical. A number of their demands and critical views on the state of affairs in our Islamic Republic resonates in the hearts and minds of a vast number of Pakistanis who dream of an equitable distribution of resources, justice, peace, political stability, development and modernity in their country.
Several major political parties – from the Jamaat-e-Islami to the Muttahida Qaumi Movement and from Baloch and Pakhtun nationalists to other smaller secular, religious and ethnic forces – are also articulating the call for change in one way or another. Some are chanting this mantra in anger and aiming to turn the system upside down, while others do so with restraint and are trying to achieve the goal without upsetting the applecart.
In their own way all these parties represent segments – big and small – of the politically conscious Pakistan. The common thread that runs through all these segments is that the present state of affairs is neither acceptable nor sustainable.
And, indeed, there appears to be a broad consensus on at least some of the issues among these ideologically and politically diverse forces despite all the apparent confusion, sharp divisions and lack of direction on how to move forward. This is yet another indication of a society that is on the tipping point of a major transformation – for good or for worse.
For instance, all the political parties – whether demanding for Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s resignation or wanting him to complete his term – at least on paper want electoral reforms to ensure that the next elections are held in a free, fair and transparent manner.
Yet, the ruling PML-N and the main friendly opposition in parliament, the PPP, have been dragging their feet on this vital issue. How these two major parties are out of sync with the mood of the moment and the pressing urgency to go ahead with the electoral reform agenda is reflected in their deliberate and unpardonable delay in filling the vacant position of the chief election commissioner, which should have otherwise been an automatic process in a functioning democracy. But even after the passage of more than 15 months, the PML-N and the PPP have failed to do the doable, thereby forcing the Supreme Court to intervene. And through this tragedy of delay, they have made the entire process controversial.
Similarly, most political forces want the devolution of power to the grassroots level in the form of a strong local bodies system. Here again, both the PML-N and the PPP are the main stumbling block in their bid to keep powers and resources in the hands of the provincial governments.
The aversion of these two parties to the devolution of power – a must in a democratic order – is resulting in calls for the creation of new administrative units and even the extreme demand for new provinces by various disgruntled political parties. This is further polarising Pakistan’s already explosive politics.
However, holding local elections seem nowhere on the PML-N and the PPP’s agenda as they appear bent upon running 21st century Pakistan through the tried, tested and failed tactics of the past century.
What these forces and the present parliament offer is the democracy of the elite – the old big landowning families, tribal chiefs and the neo-rich representing commercial and business interests. The middle and lower middle classes have a token representation in parliament while peasants and workers – which form the majority – have none. The local bodies system, like the one introduced by former military ruler Pervez Musharraf, offers a more inclusive form of democracy compared to the one our so-called champions of democracy want to practise by keeping all the powers in their hands at the provincial level at the cost of the district and union level.
Imran Khan – though flanked by many of the scions of the old traditional powerful feudal families – and Allama Tahirul Qadri are at least putting the issue of devolution of power at the forefront in the national discourse. They can find many allies if they choose to broaden their anti-government campaign on this point alone.poor governance
The Imran-Qadri duo also reflects the sentiment of many Pakistanis when they attack , rampant corruption and inaccessibility of quick justice. Who can argue against their demands for reforms in the police force, giving it operational autonomy and freeing it from political interference?
Similarly, any politician highlighting the dismissal state of the education sector and healthcare facilities is championing the cause of the masses. Pakistanis have only witnessed deterioration on both these fronts despite the passage of the much-celebrated 18th Amendment and the NFC Award which have left provincial governments flush with money. The political parties – especially the PPP at the Sindh provincial level – have failed to build capacity and the ability to judicially utilise these resources for the benefit of the people.
Another life and death issue for the state of Pakistan is the challenge of religious extremism and terrorism. The civilian leadership, barring a few exceptions, unfortunately has been found wanting on this front. The entire responsibility of spearheading this effort has been left to the military leadership, which has forced the government to at least offer some lip-service to this cause. But in the ideological battle, the civilian leadership has failed to take ownership of this war or develop a counter-narrative. The successful Operation Zarb-e-Azb has created space for the civilian leaders to take on the extremist mindset, but this task hardly features on their agenda.
No wonder that many Pakistanis, who celebrated the country’s return to democracy in 2008, now stand frustrated because of the miserable performance of the two successive governments on most fronts. Whether it is managing the pressing energy crisis, the inability to implement the broader socio-economic reform agenda or providing efficient governance, the scorecard of both the PPP and then the PML-N remains poor.
Prime Minister Sharif may be justified when he says that it is too early to give a verdict on his government’s performance which has not even completed two years in office, but the problem is that the dark genie of public discontentment is out of the bag. The people’s expectations are huge, while the deliverables seem to be in short supply. There is growing impatience and restlessness among the people, but one sees no sense of urgency on the part of the rulers to right the wrongs. Sharif’s attempts to govern 21st century Pakistan by staying in the bubble of 1990s politics won’t work.
The huge turnout at opposition rallies is a manifestation of the bad public mood. Imran Khan, Tahirul Qadri or any other politician have loads of issues at their disposal to whip up the sentiments of the people. In the cold, cruel and pragmatic world of power politics the end justifies the means.
Sharif has a choice… One is to prolong this state of misery for his government where it is unable to deliver against the backdrop of the country’s political instability and mounting opposition. This means more testing times not just for him but also for the country.
The second option: try making a sincere effort to strike a deal with the Imran-Qadri duo, which means a lot of give-and-take. Given the sharp political divide and inflexibility of both the sides this appears an unlikely scenario.
The third – perhaps a more daring – option is to grab the initiative and announce early polls to break the impasse. In this option, Sharif will gain a high moral ground to take on his opponents in the electoral battlefield in a bid to return to power. In the coming days, Sharif will have tough choices to make. The question is: will he be able to rise to the challenge?
The News
Monday, November 24, 2014
Many Pakistanis, who celebrated the country’s return to democracy in 2008, now stand frustrated because of the miserable performance of the two successive governments on most fronts. Whether it is managing the pressing energy crisis, the inability to implement the broader socio-economic reform agenda or providing efficient governance, the scorecard of both the PPP and then the PML-N remains poor
Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and his dream team may not like to acknowledge and face the writing on the wall, but today’s Pakistan craves for sweeping changes in its political, social and economic power structure.
One may differ and argue against the tactics of Imran Khan and Allama Tahirul Qadri, but what all they are saying is not completely nonsensical. A number of their demands and critical views on the state of affairs in our Islamic Republic resonates in the hearts and minds of a vast number of Pakistanis who dream of an equitable distribution of resources, justice, peace, political stability, development and modernity in their country.
Several major political parties – from the Jamaat-e-Islami to the Muttahida Qaumi Movement and from Baloch and Pakhtun nationalists to other smaller secular, religious and ethnic forces – are also articulating the call for change in one way or another. Some are chanting this mantra in anger and aiming to turn the system upside down, while others do so with restraint and are trying to achieve the goal without upsetting the applecart.
In their own way all these parties represent segments – big and small – of the politically conscious Pakistan. The common thread that runs through all these segments is that the present state of affairs is neither acceptable nor sustainable.
And, indeed, there appears to be a broad consensus on at least some of the issues among these ideologically and politically diverse forces despite all the apparent confusion, sharp divisions and lack of direction on how to move forward. This is yet another indication of a society that is on the tipping point of a major transformation – for good or for worse.
For instance, all the political parties – whether demanding for Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s resignation or wanting him to complete his term – at least on paper want electoral reforms to ensure that the next elections are held in a free, fair and transparent manner.
Yet, the ruling PML-N and the main friendly opposition in parliament, the PPP, have been dragging their feet on this vital issue. How these two major parties are out of sync with the mood of the moment and the pressing urgency to go ahead with the electoral reform agenda is reflected in their deliberate and unpardonable delay in filling the vacant position of the chief election commissioner, which should have otherwise been an automatic process in a functioning democracy. But even after the passage of more than 15 months, the PML-N and the PPP have failed to do the doable, thereby forcing the Supreme Court to intervene. And through this tragedy of delay, they have made the entire process controversial.
Similarly, most political forces want the devolution of power to the grassroots level in the form of a strong local bodies system. Here again, both the PML-N and the PPP are the main stumbling block in their bid to keep powers and resources in the hands of the provincial governments.
The aversion of these two parties to the devolution of power – a must in a democratic order – is resulting in calls for the creation of new administrative units and even the extreme demand for new provinces by various disgruntled political parties. This is further polarising Pakistan’s already explosive politics.
However, holding local elections seem nowhere on the PML-N and the PPP’s agenda as they appear bent upon running 21st century Pakistan through the tried, tested and failed tactics of the past century.
What these forces and the present parliament offer is the democracy of the elite – the old big landowning families, tribal chiefs and the neo-rich representing commercial and business interests. The middle and lower middle classes have a token representation in parliament while peasants and workers – which form the majority – have none. The local bodies system, like the one introduced by former military ruler Pervez Musharraf, offers a more inclusive form of democracy compared to the one our so-called champions of democracy want to practise by keeping all the powers in their hands at the provincial level at the cost of the district and union level.
Imran Khan – though flanked by many of the scions of the old traditional powerful feudal families – and Allama Tahirul Qadri are at least putting the issue of devolution of power at the forefront in the national discourse. They can find many allies if they choose to broaden their anti-government campaign on this point alone.poor governance
The Imran-Qadri duo also reflects the sentiment of many Pakistanis when they attack , rampant corruption and inaccessibility of quick justice. Who can argue against their demands for reforms in the police force, giving it operational autonomy and freeing it from political interference?
Similarly, any politician highlighting the dismissal state of the education sector and healthcare facilities is championing the cause of the masses. Pakistanis have only witnessed deterioration on both these fronts despite the passage of the much-celebrated 18th Amendment and the NFC Award which have left provincial governments flush with money. The political parties – especially the PPP at the Sindh provincial level – have failed to build capacity and the ability to judicially utilise these resources for the benefit of the people.
Another life and death issue for the state of Pakistan is the challenge of religious extremism and terrorism. The civilian leadership, barring a few exceptions, unfortunately has been found wanting on this front. The entire responsibility of spearheading this effort has been left to the military leadership, which has forced the government to at least offer some lip-service to this cause. But in the ideological battle, the civilian leadership has failed to take ownership of this war or develop a counter-narrative. The successful Operation Zarb-e-Azb has created space for the civilian leaders to take on the extremist mindset, but this task hardly features on their agenda.
No wonder that many Pakistanis, who celebrated the country’s return to democracy in 2008, now stand frustrated because of the miserable performance of the two successive governments on most fronts. Whether it is managing the pressing energy crisis, the inability to implement the broader socio-economic reform agenda or providing efficient governance, the scorecard of both the PPP and then the PML-N remains poor.
Prime Minister Sharif may be justified when he says that it is too early to give a verdict on his government’s performance which has not even completed two years in office, but the problem is that the dark genie of public discontentment is out of the bag. The people’s expectations are huge, while the deliverables seem to be in short supply. There is growing impatience and restlessness among the people, but one sees no sense of urgency on the part of the rulers to right the wrongs. Sharif’s attempts to govern 21st century Pakistan by staying in the bubble of 1990s politics won’t work.
The huge turnout at opposition rallies is a manifestation of the bad public mood. Imran Khan, Tahirul Qadri or any other politician have loads of issues at their disposal to whip up the sentiments of the people. In the cold, cruel and pragmatic world of power politics the end justifies the means.
Sharif has a choice… One is to prolong this state of misery for his government where it is unable to deliver against the backdrop of the country’s political instability and mounting opposition. This means more testing times not just for him but also for the country.
The second option: try making a sincere effort to strike a deal with the Imran-Qadri duo, which means a lot of give-and-take. Given the sharp political divide and inflexibility of both the sides this appears an unlikely scenario.
The third – perhaps a more daring – option is to grab the initiative and announce early polls to break the impasse. In this option, Sharif will gain a high moral ground to take on his opponents in the electoral battlefield in a bid to return to power. In the coming days, Sharif will have tough choices to make. The question is: will he be able to rise to the challenge?
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