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Monday, April 30, 2012

Seize The Moment

By Amir Zia
April 30, 2012
Money Matters
The News

"The real challenge for the two governments and advocates of enhanced regional trade is to ensure that their efforts remain on course and do not get torpedoed by some unexpected turn of events that includes the threat of another Mumbai-like terror attack"

Pakistan-India trade relations have taken some big strides over the last 12 months. What appeared impossible in April 2011 now seems not only possible but within grasp as the two countries have moved fast to remove some of the key barriers impeding bilateral trade.


If in April 2011, the two countries announced a roadmap to boost trade relations, the April of 2012 saw the formal opening of the trade gate at the Wagah-Attari border and New Delhi making the surprise announcement that it will allow direct Pakistani investment in India.

While India promised to resolve the issue of non-tariff barriers (NTBs) that choke Pakistani exports to its giant neighbour, Islamabad pledged to grant most-favoured nation (MFN) status to India. But more importantly in the near-term is Pakistan’s decision to relax the constraints on Indian imports by switching to a “negative list” that bans only 1,209 items; the other 7,000-plus exportable items India can sell to Pakistan without let. Even the negative list is to be phased out by Islamabad by end-December this year. Given that till last month, Pakistan maintained a “positive list” comprising the 1,963 items that India could export, the switchover to a negative list is a huge step taken by Islamabad for the normalization of trade relations.

In the wake of this thaw in relations, both the countries hosted each other’s trade fairs with much fanfare that not only underlined the huge prospects of bilateral trade but also showed the desire for friendly ties on a people-to-people level.

With the two countries now considering relaxing visa regimes, especially for businesspeople, and allowing one another’s banks to open branches, there is lot of optimism and hope that current volumes of bilateral trade – $2.7 billion – will double or triple over the next couple of years.

In this context, the 2nd Aman ki Asha Economic Conference, planned for May 7-8 in Lahore, is likely to further crystallize and articulate aspirations of the top business and corporate leaders of the two countries. This conference aims to provide a rare independent platform where the private sector and the government representatives can interact and discuss issues that are vital to promoting economic collaboration seen by many as the most important driver for peace and stability in the region.

However, both the economic and political leaders have to be mindful of the fact that the two South Asian nuclear-armed states still have a long way to go to strengthen this fragile peace process. They need a lot of patience and determination to expand economic relations that remain vulnerable to terrorism in the near- to mid-term and some protracted issues in the long-run that include the thorny problem of the divided Himalayan region of Kashmir.

In this regard, such conferences and interactions are important as they manage to highlight challenges and suggest the way forward. The Aman ki Asha platform has managed to play this vital role and help nudge the two countries to bring the economy back on the agenda at a time when relations were at an all-time low following the November 2008 Mumbai terror attacks. But the two countries have moved beyond Mumbai.

The euphoria gripping many peace lovers and economic interest groups following the recent developments in the trade ties is understandable. But perhaps it is too early to celebrate as the field still remains infested by mines and there are some legitimate concerns whether Pakistan is getting a fair deal or not.

On Pakistan’s side, there are some strong voices among seasoned economists who want the government to adopt a more cautious and a slower approach while normalizing trade relations with India.

There are reasons for skepticism among various Pakistani interest groups, which overwhelmingly favour trade with India, but want the government to put the country’s interests first.

The doubts in many Pakistani minds stem from the fact that despite enjoying MFN status from India since 1995, the country has failed to get access to Indian markets due to the strict NTBs. Indian goods, on the other hand, have managed to find a sizeable market in Pakistan despite its non-MFN status.

No wonder that the trade balance remains lopsided in India’s favour. In fiscal 2010/11 Pakistan’s exports to India were around $380 million against Indian imports of $1.7 billion. Similarly, in 2009/10 Pakistan’s exports to India were $268 million against Indian imports of $1.228 billion. This trade imbalance has been similar since the mid-1990s when India granted MFN to Pakistan.

However, the trade imbalance should not be the reason to discourage Pakistan from normalizing trade with its eastern neighbour. Pakistan has a bigger trade imbalance with China, which does not mean the building of walls to block imports. That era of restrictive trade regime is gone. But while dealing with India, with which Pakistan has a bitter history and several unresolved issues, granting one-sided concessions may backfire and wipe out the gains made in recent months.

To consolidate and broaden trade relations, Pakistan must get a level playing field from India, which has a much tougher trade regime as compared to Pakistan’s liberal import policy. Pakistan’s liberal trade regime has worked in India’s advantage without even an MFN status.

Although India has promised to remove its NTBs for Pakistani goods, this is easier said than done because of the bureaucratic red-tape and slow decision-making and implementation processes. In India, both the central and state governments have to get on the same page to remove NTBs which in some cases require legislation or a change in regulations.

The expression of good intentions is not enough. One major test case in the short-term will be how fast New Delhi moves to reduce the high tariffs on agricultural commodities, textiles and other goods that comprise Pakistan’s main export basket.

The one-sided concessions by Pakistan will not help the case for durable trade ties. The Pakistan government needs to link the scrapping of the “negative list” and MFN status with the Indian decision of liberalizing its restrictive import regime. India needs to reciprocate Pakistan’s move with concrete steps.

In Pakistan, while some leading textile tycoons are bullish on trade with India and establishing commercial outlets there, others within their community are for a more cautious approach. In the short-run, definitely those Pakistani textile houses will benefit which have pre-Partition day relations and contacts in India. For others, India is likely to prove a tough market to crack.

However, it is Pakistani manufacturers who are most worried about opening the flood gate of Indian imports. The country’s automobile sector, which already has suffered due to inconsistent government policies that often allow the import of second-hand vehicles, see tougher times ahead due to trade liberalization as the Indian engineering sector is far more advanced and strong because the way it was protected by the successive Indian governments.

Imported Indian vehicles could cost less in Pakistan and benefit consumers but it may prove a big blow for Pakistani manufacturers. The government needs to safeguard Pakistani automobile sector which remains vital for expanding the country’s industrial base and its modernization.

On the other side, the Pakistani textile sector will not be the only beneficiary if it gets free access to the billion plus Indian market. Sectors including cement, information technology and pharmaceutical will gain from the improved trade relations.

The real challenge for the two governments and advocates of enhanced regional trade is to ensure that their efforts remain on course and do not get torpedoed by some unexpected turn of events that includes the threat of another Mumbai-like terror attack. To ensure that the present gains are not lost, along with efforts to normalize trade, similar focus is needed to build greater people-to-people contacts as well as make serious efforts to resolve long-standing political and territorial disputes. This holistic approach will be the best guarantor of peace, progress and prosperity in the region. The challenge is as big and as high as Himalayas, but is there any obstacle greater than the human spirit? The Pakistani and Indian leadership have a chance to rewrite history. They must seize the moment.


Saturday, April 28, 2012

‘This is Radio Pakistan’

By Amir Zia
April 28, 2012
The News

One can argue about the quality of content and suggest ways for improvement, but the PBC bosses have a case when they say that they need funds to keep this institution afloat.

The institution, which announced Pakistan’s birth and once nurtured the country’s top artists, writers and poets, today struggles for survival. Yes, the Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation (PBC), or Radio Pakistan, as it’s popularly known, is being subjected to a slow death. Lack of funds, flawed policies of the successive governments and a callous attitude of short-sighted officials – all have contributed to its current financial woes. If the Finance Ministry gurus manage to have their way, Radio Pakistan will receive 2.2 billion rupees to run its show in fiscal 2012/13 (July-June). The allocated amount falls short to meet even the salary bill and pensions of its 3,200 current and 4,200 former employees or their spouses, which cost the institution around 3.8 billion rupees a year.

Moreover, the PBC will have no money to run the day-to-day expenses of its 30 broadcasting houses from where 64 frequency modulation (FM), medium- and short-wave radio stations are operated that not only reach Pakistan’s remotest regions, but other parts of the world in 22 local and 11 foreign languages.

There will be no money available to meet PBC’s operational expenses that include payments to its more than 4,000 contractual staff members, maintain its rickety old transmitters or buy oil for electricity generators to ensure transmissions during the frequent and prolonged power outages that plague the country.

Unlike the private-run FM stations, which are concentrated mostly in a handful of urban centres, the PBC-operated radio stations do not bank on pirated music 24/7. They provide news, current affairs shows, educational and social awareness programmes, along with whatever is left of Pakistani music and drama.

One can argue about the quality of content and suggest ways for improvement, but the PBC bosses have a case when they say that they need funds to keep this institution afloat.

In most parts of the world – from the United States to neighbouring India – radio stations are funded by public money or endowment funds. The reason: this institution is not just about airing commercial programmes all the time. It is seen as a public service institution, responsible to inform and educate people along with providing entertainment.

For instance, a private radio station will not air programmes for the small fifty thousand plus Wakhi community of Gilgit-Baltistan in their language because it would be commercially unviable. But the PBC does. The private sector will not run non-commercial community stations in rural areas including Turbat, Skardu, Mithi or Zhob. But the PBC does. There are such desolate regions in the country, where Radio Pakistan serves as the only connection with the rest of the country and the world.

The private sector operates, as it should, where there is money and profit. The state-run institutions have a bigger role and responsibility.

However, the nine revenue-earning FM stations of the PBC generate around 300 million rupees annually through advertising. The PBC’s total share in the country’s radio advertisement is around 30 percent, which is not bad given the stiff competition it faces from more than 100 private stations that are saturated in urban centres and bank mostly on pirated Indian music to attract listeners.

The critics of PBC may rightly say that it remains a mouthpiece of every successive government. And that it is a meant for government and state propaganda – and that too is done in a crude manner. The argument carries weight and underlines the need to improve and revamp this important institution.

The PBC needs to be made more current, reliable, efficient, and technologically advanced so that it remains vibrant and keeps pace with the changing times. There is also a need to free the PBC as well as the Pakistan Television from the clutches of the Information Ministry and put them under a bipartisan control of parliament. But at the same time, they should also be freed from the influence of big businesses and the corporate world. These institutions must be pro-people and act in the larger public interest.

One can talk about many suggestions, but the PBC’s current problem is that it needs sufficient fund-allocation to survive.

According to Murtaza Solangi, PBC’s director general and perhaps the first working journalist who managed to reach its top slot, the institution faces an imminent closure if the Finance Ministry does not allocate at least 5.2 billion rupees for the next financial year. This is the minimum PBC needs to ensure payment of salaries, pensions and run its operations.

But given the fragile state of the country’s economy and its gnawing budget deficit, which according to the State Bank of Pakistan is likely to be around 6.5 percent in the current fiscal, the Finance Ministry appears to be in no mood to oblige the PBC.

The Information Ministry has already been informed about this meagre allocation. With Qamar Zaman Kaira back in the Information Ministry ‘saddle’, will his weight matter where Firdous Aashiq Awan’s failed to make a difference? This is perhaps a 5.2 billion rupees worth question for the PBC officials and its well-wishers.

To end PBC’s financial troubles, the government should consider reviving the radio license fee which was scrapped in 1999 when Mian Mohammed Nawaz Sharif was in power. The Sharif government had also abolished PBC’s tax-exemption status. Both the radio license fee and tax-exemption were part of the Constitution under the 1973 PBC Act introduced by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s government.

For the Pakistan Peoples’ Party government perhaps this is the time to correct the wrong and save an institution, which has been connecting Pakistan and recording and telling its political, social and cultural history since 1947.

Pakistan and its people should not be left just at the mercy of sleazy pirated music, BBCs and All India Radios of this world. We need Pakistani narrative and voice on this medium. Who else, but the PBC can do this. Yes, despite its many short-comings, Radio Pakistan still matters. It not only evokes nostalgia, but remains a powerful medium of today which is stretching into the future. For, “this is Radio Pakistan!”



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