A New Road to Opportunity

By Amir Zia

Monthly Hilal

August 2018

When an elected government fails to perform and loses credibility because of corruption and misrule, the vacuum is filled by other institutions determined to prevent chaos in the country. This has happened many times in Pakistan.

Pakistan’s democracy took another great leap forward on July 25 when the country witnessed its fourth consecutive general elections in a span of 16 years. During this period, despite all the prophecies of doom and gloom about the survival of Pakistan’s nascent democratic system, three elected parliaments and governments have completed their terms.

Yes, at the Prime Minister House there were premature change of guards because of political or legal compulsions, but all the three ruling political parties and assemblies of their time successfully crossed the five-year mark – a no mean feat by Pakistani standards. 

Notwithstanding all the real or often imaginary stories of tussle, friction and distrust within various arms of the government, Pakistan’s democratic experience continues uninterrupted since 2002 and with each passing day, it is getting entrenched and mature. 

All our institutions, including the Pakistan Armed Forces and the judiciary, have played their constitutional role in safeguarding and advancing Pakistan’s democratic experience. The 2018 elections held in an overwhelmingly peaceful manner – barring few tragic incidents of terrorism during the election campaign and on the polling day – itself is a testimony of how various arms of the state are delivering despite being pitted against all odds in a volatile region. The contribution of around 370,000 army personnel and more than 450,000 police officials on the election day made it possible for the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) to hold the polling in a peaceful manner. 

The holding of the electoral exercise despite terror threats is not the only achievement of Pakistan’s democracy this time around. The resilience and empowerment of the elected and state institutions can be gauged from the fact that for the first time in our history, a prime minister was accused, tried and dismissed for corruption while in office in July 2017, but the system functioned normally. The ruling party elected a new leader of the house and the process of accountability and democracy went on hand-in-hand without any disruption. 

These developments offer hope that the system will strengthen further through gradual reforms, removing its inherent flaws and weaknesses that often give room to individuals to trample law and institutions as well as resort to anti-people measures.  

Another positive for Pakistan’s democracy remains its vibrant, lively and often sensational media – both traditional and social – that remains free to comment, examine and raise questions on almost every issue and topic under the sun. Now there is no political, social or economic subject which is a taboo or any institution considered as sacred. This freedom of expression is also a sign of consolidation of democracy and democratic culture, reflected through the diversity of Pakistan’s media scene.   

However, despite these positives, Pakistan and its political order face multiple mega-challenges, including how to improve governance, ensure justice, root-out corruption, bring political stability, revive the economy and make this democracy pro-people. Among all these challenges, achieving political stability is a prerequisite if a government aims to deliver on all the other fronts. 

Unfortunately, Pakistan has been in the grip of prolonged instability and uncertainty because of bitter confrontation among political rivals. This has hurt Pakistan on almost every front – from managing the economy to its foreign relations – as the governments of the day focused on survival rather than delivering fruits of democracy to the people, and reforming and strengthening the state and its institutions. 

Therefore, the foremost task for the newly-elected government and the Parliament remains bringing stability to the country and ending the politics of confrontation. This requires foresight and sagacity not just from members sitting on the treasury benches, but also from the opposition. Political reconciliation will be the first step towards putting Pakistan back on track. 

The consensus among major opposition parties to sit in the assemblies despite their reservations about the conduct of general elections is indeed a good omen. The new government and the ECP must now take steps to address the genuine concerns of the opposition and remove misgivings about the electoral process and address its weaknesses and flaws, if any, for the future. The allegations of mismanagement and rigging should also be investigated and addressed in line with the existing rules and procedures. The ECP has already asked political players to file official complaints rather than creating doubts about the entire electoral exercise by leveling unsubstantiated allegations for media consumption. 

Going forward, major political parties – both in the government and the opposition – need to evolve a broad consensus on major national issues that must include structural reforms to improve governance, fix the economy and meet foreign relations challenges. There should also be consensus about the continuation of the accountability process in a free, fair, transparent and independent manner. For accountability and a system of check-and-balances serve as a cornerstone in any democratic order which aims to deliver to the people. The accountability process needs to be strengthened and made autonomous. It must not be sacrificed at the altar of political expediency or opportunism. 

The new government must also be mindful of the fact that running a state needs consensus-building and collective decision-making among various stakeholders and institutions.
Unfortunately, in the past some politicians tried to establish individual or dynastic rule in the name of democracy. By doing so, they not only ignored their cabinet and the Parliament, but also tried to undermine institutions. Their decision-making style remained undemocratic as they banked solely on a small coterie, comprising family and friends. 

This culture of attempting to run a 21st Century state as a fiefdom stands against the basic principles and values of democracy. No wonder, the past few years were so tumultuous and chaotic. It resulted into an unnecessary tussle within political forces and at times dragged institutions into political fray, which could have been avoided. The dominance of anti-democratic mindset in our major political parties and at the highest echelons of power stunted and distorted Pakistan’s democratic system.  

Modern states, especially democracies, work within the constitutional framework with proper checks and balances. However, in Pakistan often party leaders try to act like mini-dictators, who want to remain unaccountable, unanswerable to their followers, the Parliament or any other institution. To prevent this, the new government has to play according to the book and strengthen systems and institutions rather than individuals. Luckily, this has been the position and one of the major election campaign points of the new ruling party. Now it is time to walk the talk. 

Experience shows that when an elected government fails to perform and loses credibility because of corruption and misrule, the vacuum is filled by other institutions determined to prevent chaos in the country. This has happened many times in Pakistan. To prevent a repeat of this situation, the newly-elected government and the Parliament must up their game in terms of performance. 

In the past, even the highest forum like Parliament was used to enact controversial legislation, which benefitted individuals or select interest groups rather than the masses. The new dispensation must focus on delivery and pro-people reforms rather than perpetuating the rule of a family or the vested interests.

In Pakistan, there is a tiny but influential foreign-connected or inspired lobby operating within political parties, the media, academia and the non-government organizations, which always attempts to put the masses against institutions – especially the army and the judiciary. 

This lobby, backed by hostile foreign powers, misleadingly describes and interprets civil-military relations as inherently antagonistic and hostile. Their aim is to pit at least a part of civilian leadership against the state institutions. Their near term goal remains to keep Pakistan politically unstable, while their mid-to-long-term objectives are to weaken the world’s lone nuclear Muslim state to an extent where it is forced to compromise on vital national interests. This can only be done by weakening the state institutions and imposing a puppet government, which can dance to the tunes of regional and foreign powers.

This assault on the State of Pakistan – both from within and outside as part of the fifth generation war – can only be prevented if all the arms of the government and state institutions are on one page on fundamental national issues and prepared to push in one direction for optimum results.  

All modern states work and achieve their objectives on the back of greater integration and harmony within civil and military institutions, sticking to their constitutionally defined role. While the final call and responsibility rests with the civilian leadership in policy-making, input of all stakeholders remains a must as it happens in advanced democracies.
The new government is starting innings on a clean slate. Its leadership does not carry burden of the past. It has a golden and great opportunity to bring much-needed political stability in Pakistan, introduce structural political and economic reforms and unleash the true potential of this nation which has under-performed because of the crisis of leadership.

The grand dream of transforming Pakistan into a progressive, prosperous and strong country can only be fulfilled through national unity and cohesion. The new government has to lead and show the way. It must succeed for the sake of Pakistan for we cannot afford another failure.

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To The Victor The Spoils

By Amir Zia

Monthly Newsline

August 2018

“The first lesson for a man who wants to achieve something, is that there are no shortcuts in life,” Khan said in an interview in July 2017. “You make goals in life and then you pursue them. Only those succeed who do not give up. They stumble, but then they rise again and assess why they fell…”

After a 22-year long gruelling journey in the political wilderness, Pakistan’s most internationally recognised sports celebrity and ladies’ man-turned-philanthropist-turned-politico, has managed to don this dream cap too.

The vagaries of Pakistani politics being what they are, there are no certainties or absolute truths.

After decades of rule by the two families that have virtually institutionalised dynastic politics, each laden with the baggage of alleged corruption, nepotism and even murder, Pakistan was ringing with a call for change. Imran Khan and his party offered just that: a radically different alternative. The PTI carved out a constituency by cutting a swathe across different political and ideological divides. It captured the imagination of the centre, the moderate and the conservative right, apolitical liberals, the westernised elite, the young and the old. People from all classes and ethnic groups, hailing from all the four provinces, harkened to the PTI call, making it the first political party after Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s PPP to lay down roots across Pakistan.

But hell apparently hath no fury like political demagogues scorned. And so all the traditional political forces — from the far-right to the self-professed political moderates, from sworn enemies to friends of convenience, and every political force in-between that has been spurned in the 2018 election — have come together to form a new grand alliance to counter the PTI.

Having been formally nominated as Prime Minister-designate by the PTI and with the additional votes needed by the induction of independents and an uneasy alliance with the MQM, Khan is, however, now set to take his seat at the helm and get down to the business of governance in earnest.

The question on everyone’s minds is, can he deliver? The near miracle he has vowed to bring about, is a tall order by any standard. But two decades later, Khan is no longer the political novice he once was. Years of setbacks in politics have taught him pragmatism, as opposed to the puritanical and black-and-white approach he began with. This was evident when he embraced the ‘electables’ with open arms and shook hands with those whom he had once rejected.

The Imran Khan of 2018 appears in no mood to repeat the mistakes of the 2013 elections. To begin with, he has clearly realised that the PTI could not have translated its popularity into electoral victory with inexperienced candidates. Hence, the induction of some tried and tested politicians who might have been undesirable in the past. Yet, against the advice of conventional politicians, he has remained uncompromising in his stance against the country’s two oldest mainstream parties — the PML-N and the PPP. For him, Nawaz Sharif and Asif Ali Zardari are two sides of the same coin. This has resulted in the convergence of the PML-N’s and the PPP’s interests against the PTI, as is evident in their cooperation in the joint opposition.  

Khan has made conciliatory statements in respect of neighbouring countries, even while emphasising that Pakistan seeks equality in its relationship with its peers. He has also unequivocally declared that he will seek to rid the country of its begging bowl vis-a-vis international financial institutions.

“He ran a hectic and punishing election campaign,” said Senator Faisal Javed Khan, who joined the party in 1996 at the age of 15 and who has been by Imran’s side in most rallies, including the recent election campaign. “During the last 14 days of the campaign, Imran addressed 60 public meetings… at times, seven public meetings in a day, criss-crossing from one province to another. His younger followers were exhausted, but Imran went on non-stop, skipping meals, preparing speeches and offering prayers during helicopter rides or while on the road — often drenched in sweat from head-to-toe during the oppressive July heat,” added Faisal. “He always says that the match is not over till the last ball. And so it was.”

But with only a slim majority in the National Assembly, making good on election pledges and victory vows, will be a Herculean task. The precarious position of the country’s economy might force the new government to, once again, turn to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for a bailout, or to friendly countries for injections of funds needed to avoid the looming balance of payment crisis. This means tough austerity measures, higher inflation and unpopular reforms that will hit the common man the most, as little money will be available for development and the social sector. 

These challenges fail to deter Khan’s supporters, who believe that their leader can deliver come rain or sunshine. “People told him that he could never play Test cricket or become a fast bowler, but he did,” said Faisal. “He and his team were ruled out of the World Cup, but he won it… all experts said that a cancer hospital that aims to treat poor patients free-of-cost, could never be built or sustained, but he did both.” He contends that now, under Khan’s Prime Ministership, “we will make the new Pakistan he has promised, that will treat rich and poor alike, and provide justice to all.”

Hunaid Lakhani, founder of Iqra University and its former chancellor, who came all the way from the United States to contribute to Imran Khan’s electoral campaign in Karachi, also claims he has no doubt about the success of his leader as premier.

“Leadership matters,” he said. “Imran inspires people. They trust him with money — including the Pakistani diaspora scattered all over the world. He will make possible what appears impossible.”

And like Lakhani, many expatriate Pakistanis dashed to Pakistan to cast their vote and participate in the election campaign. They aimed to realise the dream of Khan’s ‘Naya Pakistan,’ which may appear elusive and ambiguous to his critics, but is viewed by supporters as representative of diversity and an openness to personal intepretation.

The slogan has struck a chord with hundreds of thousands of Pakistanis —angry and frustrated with decades of corruption – the loot, plunder and misrule of past governments. Khan’s uncompromising pledge to change all of that has captured their imagination.

Clearly, even after decades, Imran’s personality cult and fan club remain intact. In many constituencies, he asked voters to ignore the candidates and just stamp the symbol of the bat. “I take their (the PTI candidates) full responsibility,” he repeated at various meetings.

The 2018 election campaign was different from previous ones. Despite his fan following, larger-than-life image and personal charisma, he failed to politically capitalise on any of these assets in previous campaigns. The PTI was routed in its maiden election appearance in 1997 — the party was unable to win even a single seat. In 2002, Imran managed to secure a single seat in the National Assembly. In 2008, he boycotted the general elections and since then, was widely dubbed a ‘failed politician’ akin to Asghar Khan.

The first surge in the PTI’s fortunes came in the 2013 elections, in which it emerged as the third-largest party in the National Assembly and the second-largest in terms of securing the popular vote. Yet, the dream of Imran becoming prime minister continued to remain elusive. He was seen as a political novice singlehandedly trying to bring down the entrenched Goliaths of Pakistani politics.

While his newly politicised fans followed him, Imran’s political posturing and positioning made him unpopular among liberals and leftists. The sobriquet ‘Taliban Khan’ was conferred on him because of his conciliatory statements towards the Taliban and insistence on dialogue rather than war with the movement. Maulana Fazlur Rehman of the JUI F dubbed him a ‘stooge of the West’ and a ‘Jewish agent’ – presumably on account of his marriage to Jemima Goldsmith, who was of a Jewish heritage, never mind that she had converted to Islam.

Khan’s stance on the blasphemy laws, women and the feminist movement, earned him the wrath of many. While some believed that his conservative views were aimed at winning the electoral support of the conservative and orthodox sections of society, others alleged that he had actually become increasingly orthodox in matters of faith.

Although many of Imran’s rightwing, liberal and left-wing critics enjoy little grassroots following, their clout on the traditional and social media amplifies their voices. These voices, coupled with the influence and propaganda of mainstream political rivals, made a lethal combination as Pakistan’s largest media groups turned their guns on Khan and his team. There were no-holds-barred attacks — from the targeting of his personal life, to questions surrounding his political positions.

The 126-day long Islamabad dharna of 2014, against the alleged rigging of the 2013 polls and Nawaz Sharif’s misrule, helped transform the PTI into a party with popular appeal and helped expand its base from the urban middle class and the elite, to rural areas. It simultaneously engendered another barrage of allegations against Khan. Political rivals of all hues and shades now called him an ‘army puppet,’ used to weaken democracy in the country. ‘Ladla’ (darling of the establihsment), was another epithet coined for him.

These allegations continue to follow Khan, post-elections. His faithful followers trash them, while his rivals and critics reiterate them on every platform – including the media and the courts of law.

Imran’s supporters, however, allege that he is the only national leader who has not benefited from any military ruler. While both Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif started their political careers under the wings of military dictators, Khan carries no such stigma, they claim.

And so there he is, on the eve of assuming office as Pakistan’s 19th Prime Minister, having graphically demonstrated the fruits of tenacity.

“The first lesson for a man who wants to achieve something, is that there are no shortcuts in life,” Khan said in an interview in July 2017. “You make goals in life and then you pursue them. Only those succeed who do not give up. They stumble, but then they rise again and assess why they fell. They analyse their shortcomings. People do take potshots at such individuals — I have been ridiculed my whole life — but a person who is his own best critic succeeds eventually. This has been my life, without any shortcuts. I dreamed big and pursued my dreams without fear and with no intention of giving up.”

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