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Sunday, January 1, 2023

Education & Media: Tools of National Cohesion

By Amir Zia
Monthly Hilal
December 2022

Without a common education system, and a common and shared story of our history, the nation building task would remain incomplete and the goal of national cohesion and unity elusive. 

It was sometime in 2010 when I had veteran broadcaster, play-write and one of the pioneer team members of the Pakistan Television, Agha Nasir sahib as a guest on one of my current affairs shows, in which he briefly spoke about the initial days of radio and television in Pakistan and the kind of role they played to promote the Pakistani identity and national cohesion.

Yes, we all know that soon after the partition of British India in August 1947, Pakistan was struggling to set-up new institutions and expand the ones which already existed. Resources were scarce and the challenge of making the new country work and stand on its feet was humongous. In the initial years of independence, Radio Pakistan was the only nerve-center of electronic media in the country, attracting a galaxy of creative minds, including writers, poets, drama artists, singers and musicians. The who’s who of Pakistan’s intellectual world were associated with Radio Pakistan, carved out of the All India Radio. The Pakistan Television made its entry sometime in 1964. Agha Nasir had served both the institutions in their formative phase.
One of the key challenges for the nascent state and its pioneers was countering the Congress propaganda which banked on oneness, the commonality and shared culture and values of the people living under British rule in South Asia. For the Indian National Congress and its followers, the creation of Pakistan was just an aberration in history that would soon be corrected.
But for the founding fathers of the new Muslim homeland, it was the sharp difference and contrast in the religious and cultural values of Muslims and Hindus that led to the creation of Pakistan. And that point had to be asserted and reasserted on every front. The state-run Radio Pakistan and then later, the Pakistan Television were the vanguards of this battle of narratives that raged full blown in the initial decades of independence.
According to Agha Nasir sahib, there was a drive to carve out a separate Pakistani identity in every field. “We even coined new Urdu words for the broadcast medium,” he said. For actor, it was adakar, voice artist, sadakar,musician, musiqar vvvvv, song-writer, naghma-nigar, director, hidayatkar etc., the veteran broadcaster recalled.
This small anecdote shows the passion and the kind of effort the first-generation of Pakistanis put into developing this country on each and every front, focusing even on the small details, like thinking up new words and phrases so that the baggage of British India can be thrown away altogether. We had mega problems, but there was hope and drive. The objective of nation-building was clear. And in the task of nation-building, concepts, perceptions, ideology and narrative take precedence over brick-and-mortar. Yes, only big visions and dreams can make brick-and-mortar work for the nations.
In the initial formative decades of Pakistan, despite the presence of the fringe centrifugal political forces, the dominant narrative stressed on developing the Pakistani identity and the uniqueness of the world’s biggest Muslim state, which the country was at that time until the tragic fall of Dhaka in 1971.
Pakistani cinema, music, radio and television, art, literature, including fiction, poetry and even the genre of detective novels roared in the mainstream of the country in 1950s, 1960s, 1970s, and to an extent in 1980s. The Pakistani public followed Pakistani actors and actresses, many of whom became larger than life personalities in their own right. The soft power of Pakistan was potent, vibrant and growing.


The state-run Radio Pakistan and then later, the Pakistan Television were the vanguards of this battle of narratives that raged full blown in the initial decades of independence.


Compared to the Pakistani media of yesteryears, today there has been massive expansion of electronic media, but its traditional role to inform, educate and entertain stands undermined. When it comes to the news channels, unfortunately they are overwhelmingly contributing to intensifying polarization and creating divide in the society through sensational content, half-truths and ill-informed and biased discussions and opinions. There are hardly any investigative reports, documentaries and even informative news packages aired by any of the dozens of 24/7 news channels. Even entertainment channels appear nowhere when it comes to advancing the national cause. No wonder then it is left to the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) to come up with new national songs and even support the production of television plays and movies.
In the Pakistan of yesteryears, Radio Pakistan (the Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation of today) and Pakistan Television used to churn more content for national cohesion and unity than all the private channels and radio stations of today put together.
Coming back to the country’s formative phase, serious work was being done on history to ensure that it helped promote Pakistani identity and contribute to the task of nation-building, overriding ethnic, sectarian and provincial differences and biases.
The first generation Pakistanis were the thought leaders of this unannounced nation-building project and needed no schooling in it. The literacy rate was low, but the educational institutions, including the government-run schools–which were the backbone of the education system–worked and produced future leaders of the nation in every field, from sports to leading scions of civil and military bureaucracy.
The belief was that Pakistan–a bouquet of different languages, and sub-cultures–would develop and help transform them into a grander and bigger Pakistani identity and culture by assimilating them under one umbrella. While the uniqueness of regional languages and sub-cultures would be very much there, this one colourful bunch be the representative of all under the flag.
In the nation-building process, the most important front is education, which also feeds and strengthens the country’s soft power. Education not only leads to national progress and development, but also serves as the main vehicle to bring about national cohesion and unity and develop a common narrative that serves as a bedrock for any state.
Unfortunately, here as a nation, we lack the most. I remember reading in a work of an Islamic scholar that nations get defeated in the battlefield later; they first lose at their educational institutions. And yes, here we are losing the most.
Although an estimated 22.8 million children aged 5-16 years old, representing a massive 44 percent of the total population in this age group are not attending school, according to the United Nations International Children Emergency Fund (UNICEF), still many could argue that the picture is not that bleak on the educational front, given a massive expansion in the number of schools, colleges and universities in the country. They can rightly point out that compared to 1947, Pakistan’s literacy numbers have increased. Yes, the standards of the government-run schools have gone abysmal, but the private sector has come forward to bear the burden. In a nutshell, to many die-hard optimists, the graph is showing signs of improvement.
This may be the case, if one counts the number of buildings, including some very plush and elite educational institutions, but the basic question remains: are they contributing to the goal of nation-building as they should have? 
If on the one hand, the 22.8 million out of school children is a tragedy, on the other, the multiple systems of education and their quality should also be a cause of concern.
In Pakistan, we have not one or two, but many systems of education running parallel to one another. We have seminaries mainly for the poorest of the poor, we have government-run schools–a vast number of which are deprived even of boundary walls, toilets, and clean drinking water along with trained and motivated teachers. Then we have various categories of private-run institutions which cater to the demand from the lower middle class to the elite. The Cambridge system is also there, in which even the Pakistan Studies textbook has been penned by a foreign author.
Instead of uniting the nation, education has become a divider. There is a divide between the Urdu and the English-medium institutions, the divide between seminary and the rest, between institutions of poor and middle class and elite and the rest, between those institutions which follow the Cambridge curriculum and those which do not. The world view and aspirations of students being churned out from each set of these institutions is different from the other. Each for their own bubble and look at the other suspiciously. The system and type of education give a head start to some in their lives and not to the others. Each set wants to create and mold Pakistan according to their own liking. 
In the past few years, there has been an effort to introduce a single national curriculum, which is being resisted tooth and nail by the vested interests as they try to dilute it as best as they can. Even many in the so-called intellectual elite are opposing the single national curriculum. Perhaps they want to see education continue to remain as the main social and class divider in the country. 
While one can rightly debate and argue about the quality and content of the single curriculum, at least on principle, one should agree that there is a need for one. Of course, the intent of the single curriculum should not be seen as dragging down the standard of education, but instead of raising it. For this, a constant review and debate would remain necessary in every generation, so that the national curriculum ensures that students develop a critical thinking and a creative and questioning mind. However, whatever basic education is being given to one set of students should also be given to the other, regardless of the class or which part of the country he/she belongs to.
A special emphasis needs to be given to two languages–Urdu and English and subjects of mathematics, science and Pakistan Studies up to the higher secondary or intermediate level, so that all students have got a common grounding before they embark on higher and more specialized education.
Without a common education system, and a common and shared story of our history, the nation building task would remain incomplete and the goal of national cohesion and unity elusive. Therefore, the project of a single national curriculum should be taken as a state project, which should continue despite the change of governments. Education is the first step and the most important front of the task of nation-building, aimed at promoting Pakistan, its uniqueness and a shared national ethos and ideology.

Editorial: An uncertain new year

Bol News
January 1, 2023

Although no political player or institution seems to take ownership of the rumours concerning the caretaker set-up, with a slightly long term mandate — which ironically has no constitutional provision –, those pushing the case make some strong arguments against the existing set-up.

Pakistan enters a new year amidst speculations about a caretaker government, consisting of technocrats, to be installed. While all the mainstream political parties, including the opposition Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), have rejected the idea altogether, there are many leading experts and civil society members who think that under the present circumstances, when Pakistan remains stuck in continuing and aggravating political and economic crises, this remains the only way forward for the country. Although no political player or institution seems to take ownership of the rumours concerning the caretaker set-up, with a slightly long term mandate — which ironically has no constitutional provision –, those pushing the case make some strong arguments against the existing set-up.

Firstly, a government eying the next general elections – whether held early or on time, by October or November, 2023 – will not go for the painful economic and institutional reforms required by Pakistan right now, at this critical juncture. Already, the half-measures taken by the Shehbaz Sharif-led government to get the IMF’s stalled programme back on track under the stewardship of former finance minister Miftah Ismail resulted in a lot of criticism, not just from the general public and the opposition, but also from within the ruling coalition. After Miftah’s departure from the finance ministry, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) brought its so-called ace-economic wizard, Ishaq Dar, to run the economy. But Dar’s antics not just stalled the IMF programme again, but his financial juggling landed Pakistan into a greater economic mess, from where there seems to be no easy way out.

Therefore, to expect the Pakistan Democratic Movement’s (PDM) government to go for any meaningful reforms in the remaining few months in power – at the most eight – would be false expectations. The only way this government could be forced to carry out the reforms will be if it gets a longer mandate, which is not possible without delaying the general elections for a year or two – a desire of some of the PDM’s bigwigs. But even for this, the government will have to do away with Dar type economic management and push for reforms under a new set of financial managers. This is easier said than done on four accounts. One, that under a PML-N government, no one but Dar is seen competent to run the economy because he is not just a close aide of three-time premier Nawaz Sharif, but his son is also married to the self-exiled former premier’s daughter. When family interests are so entrenched, there is hardly any room left for rational and objective decision-making.

The second objection of those calling for an immediate caretaker set-up is that the Shehbaz Sharif government lacks credibility and trust of the people because of the allegations of corruption and misrule against its top leaders. A government lacking credibility and popularity is hardly in a position to push for reforms, and is likely to face stiff resistance from the general public even if it does so.

Thirdly, with an incomplete National Assembly (NA), where one-sided and self-serving legislations are being done, expecting political stability and pushing any agenda for reforms is not just undoable, but even unthinkable. And fourthly, Imran Khan, despite his anti-government campaign having apparently lost steam, remains a potent challenge for the government. The fact that he and his party are staying out of the NA and are in a continuous protest mode will keep the government under pressure and unsettled. Under these circumstances the installation of a caretaker government led by technocrats could act as a buffer between the warring political interest groups and help defuse the situation.

For the PDM, it would mean getting some time to revive its political fortunes, given the public’s short memory. As for the PTI, Imran Khan’s arch nemeses – the Sharifs, Zardaris and Fazl – won’t be in the driving seat. The caretakers can take all the tough economic decisions needed to revive the economy, and create a conducive environment for the next general elections to be held in a transparent and fair manner. However, the first hitch here is who would bell the cat – meaning who will decide the caretakers acceptable to both the rival sets of politicians. The second hitch is how to give legal and constitutional cover to a caretaker set-up beyond its three-month mandate. Here, perhaps the judiciary can step in.

All of this is wishful thinking and speculation for now, without any solid basis and ownership from the powers that matter. However, under these abnormal circumstances, when all else fails, this may prove to be the last option. The plan needs to be seriously explored and implemented before it is too late.

Yes, 2023 welcomes Pakistan with all its uncertainties and risks. May it, hopefully, still be a happy new year!


Stormy Waters

By Amir Zia
January 1, 2023
Bol News

The New Year begins with Pakistan adrift in a sea of economic and political uncertainty

For a politically polarised and economically impoverished Pakistan, the New Year starts on a dismal note. The mega-mess on the country’s political chessboard is stymieing efforts to fix the economy, while the deteriorating macro-economic indicators are fueling political and social chasms. In a nutshell, a myriad of political and economic crises are feeding on one another, pushing the state of Pakistan into unchartered stormy waters. And the ruling elite has no bailout plan — tried, tested or new — to save the country from the shipwreck that is increasingly becoming all too frighteningly possible.

On the economic front, experts say that there are only two options for Pakistan in 2023: implement the International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme in totality or face default on foreign debt repayments.

But Finance Minister Ishaq Dar’s obsession with the exchange rate, which he is trying to maintain at artificially high levels by hook or crook, has emerged as the main bone of contention in regard to the release of the 9th IMF tranche due since early November. The IMF wants the foreign currency market to determine the value of the Pakistan currency, while Dar is fixated on keeping the rupee over-valued. This obsession has not just stalled the IMF programme, but created a parallel black market. The continued fall in foreign remittances sent by overseas Pakistanis is the result of a thriving black market.

The outflow of dollars to Afghanistan through illegal means has also become a massive problem for Pakistan. Until the US-led NATO troops remained in Afghanistan, the flow of dollars was the other way round — from Afghanistan to Pakistan.

The other two main IMF demands are energy sector reforms and expanding the tax base. Both these items have been on the agenda of every successive Pakistani government, but none wanted to pay the political price of their implementation.

The IMF wants Pakistan to manage its circular debt now hovering at the staggering level of 3.5 trillion rupees in both the power and gas sectors. This means hiking electricity and gas prices, rationalising both, and slashing their distribution losses.

The IMF also wants the government to mobilise an additional 600 billion rupees through taxes and increased revenues. But all these measures are a big “no” for the Shehbaz Sharif government, which has an eye on the 2023 general elections. But if the government fails to take the steps asked for by the IMF, it will hurt Pakistan even more.

According to experts, the measures suggested by the IMF are painful, but the default on debt repayments will be much more devastating for the country. Yet, reforms are nowhere on the agenda of this beleaguered government, which appears to lack both the capacity and the political will to take unpopular measures. Since coming to power in April, the coalition government of the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) has wasted eight precious months by not taking the necessary steps. And if it wastes another eight because of political expediency, the results will be disastrous for the country. Therefore, the first six to eight weeks of 2023 are crucial for economic decision-making and will define which path the government wants to take.

Experts say that while implementing the IMF programme, the government should try to go for a long-term rollover of its short-term liabilities to get some breathing space. The flow of money from friendly countries, like China and the Gulf states, could ease pressure for a month or two, but things will inevitably go back to square-one in the absence of reforms. So minus reforms, borrowing more to settle old loans is a self-defeating exercise. And now, even Pakistan’s longstanding friends appear wary of this never-ending cycle of dishing out loans, one after another.

Indeed, the working and the middle classes, already suffering the brunt of record-high inflation and the economic crunch, will further be squeezed, whether the government implements the IMF programme or not.

The government’s failure to give targeted subsidies is also compounding the problem. The IMF stands opposed to untargeted subsidies, which benefit the rich and the upper classes more than the deserving, at the cost of the national exchequer. These untargeted subsidies need to be stopped — a decision which no government wants to take.

While the industrial output is declining in Pakistan due to the slowdown of the economy, including the government’s measures to curb demand and squeeze imports, another big challenge for the country comes from the agriculture sector. There are fears that the wheat crop will be at least 40 per cent lower in 2023 due to last year’s devastating floods and a steep rise in the prices of Di-ammonium Phosphate, popularly known as DAP, used by farmers for sowing Pakistan’s main food grain. According to the market sources, there has been a steep decline in DAP sales due to its rising cost. This means a likely wheat shortage would aggravate the economic crisis and push up the flour prices even further.

While the economic outlook is bleak, on the political front uncertainty looms large against the backdrop of the seemingly unending confrontation between the key political players. The entire country is guessing whether the highly unpopular Shehbaz Sharif government will be able to cross the August finish-line when the Parliament completes its five-year term, and even if it does, at what cost? With the sword of elections hanging over its head, this coalition government is in a state of paralysis, avoiding those life and death reforms and decisions which are a must to stabilise the economy. Given a chance, it would certainly want to extend the term of the assemblies for a year or more, but that is easier said than done. The paucity of time is the real dilemma for the government. It cannot call early elections given the expected blowback from the voters, reeling because of the record inflation, eroding incomes, and slowdown of economic activity.

So will the economic situation change by the time elections are due in October or November 2023? Even the senior pundits within the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) are not ready to bet on the change of the country’s economic fortunes in such a short time. The pain has to increase before the country’s economic health starts recovering — and that can only happen in time, over a period of two to three years. Therefore, early elections or even those on time do not suit the political parties in the ruling coalition.

The state institutions, too, find themselves cornered and short of choices. The negative perception about many top faces in the Shehbaz Sharif-led government is a millstone around their necks. While the institutions are silently working to politically and economically stabilise the country, taking too much ownership of the PDM – consisting mainly of the Sharifs, Zardaris and Maulana Fazl-ur Rehman & Co. – offers bad optics. Although both the Shehbaz Sharif government and the state institutions are working together for now, they have a history of trust deficit. The Pakistan Army – under the command of the new Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Syed Asim Munir – is spread too thin on many fronts, including fighting the new wave of terrorism. Playing a role to help end the political instability without dirtying their own hands in politics will be a Herculean task for the military high command. Yet, many Pakistanis believe that the Pakistan Army – the country’s most disciplined, organised and modern institution – alone can play a decisive role in disentangling the current political knot the country is mired in.

Meanwhile, the tireless anti-government campaign of former premier Imran Khan seems to have lost momentum after his November 26 Rawalpindi rally. Although the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) Chairman remains by far the most popular leader in the country, his anti-government campaign seems to be losing steam. The system and the state have proved too powerful for him – at least for now — as they have managed to stall Imran Khan from dissolving the two provincial assemblies of the Punjab and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, which he wanted to do in his bid to force early elections. Imran Khan is playing with an increasingly weak hand because of an unreliable ally in the form of Chief Minister Punjab Chaudhry Pervaiz Elhai and his Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid-e-Azam (PML-Q), and the wavering of many lawmakers within the ranks of his own PTI. The ferocious and no-holds-barred character assassination campaign and the string of cases against him show what awaits him in 2023 as his opponents in the government get relief after relief in mega corruption cases. Despite his massive public support, Imran Khan will have to perform a high-wire act to mend fences with the military establishment and revive the trust of a number of foreign and local stakeholders in the fact that he won’t act just as a spoiler, but will play ball within the conventional boundaries of Pakistan’s statecraft. But for now, it seems 2023 will be a tough year for Imran Khan, even while making the life of his political opponents tough.

In the midst of all this, is the renewed speculation about the installation of a technocratic government with a long-term mandate? While the PTI and apparently the PDM both reject the very idea, it is seen more as a test balloon than fact — at least at present.  However, if someone, somewhere decides to turn the speculation about the technocrat set-up into reality, at least a section of the mainstream political parties will have to take ownership for it – covertly or overtly. In the present scenario, any possible technocrat set-up would suit the PDM, because it would take all the unpleasant decisions and allow the current set of ruling parties to recover from the dent in their following because of their latest stint in power.

In a nutshell, political stability appears elusive in 2023’s Pakistan, where elections appear so near, yet so far.

Education & Media: Tools of National Cohesion

By Amir Zia Monthly Hilal December 2022 Without a common education system, and a common and shared story of our history, the nation building...