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Sunday, November 12, 2017

Future Of Print Media

Amir Zia
July 2017
Monthly Newsline
Is Print Media on its Way to Becoming Obsolete?
The 20-year-old son of my journalist friend hardly reads newspapers, despite being prodded by his father, who has been following this morning ritual religiously, since his teenage years. The boy is simply not interested in the broadsheet. He may pick up a paper once in a blue moon, when his father is angry or insistent, but never out of choice. It is ironic that this youngster does not appreciate the product that his father had been working on for almost three decades.
It is not that the boy is averse to reading or uninterested in the world around him, explains the father, “It’s just that the source of information now lies in the palm of his hands – the mobile phone.”
It is mostly through a mobile phone, desktop or laptop, that he communicates with the world and learns about it, he added. That’s what most of his peers also do. This category includes a vast number of Pakistani youths, who go to English-medium private schools and colleges, or have graduated over the past one or two decades or so.
Contrary to their seniors, these Pakistanis – whose age bracket ranges from the late teens to the late 30s, or early 40s – are not hooked up to a particular newspaper or a media group, but they pick and choose, decide what to read and what to ignore, on the basis of trends in their respective social media communities.
This technology-savvy section of society does not believe in submitting to the monopoly of one or two media outlets at a time, when the entire world media remains just a click away. They are globally connected and being bombarded with information from all directions – relevant and irrelevant, authentic and unauthentic, factual and cooked up. Undoubtedly, there is an information and disinformation overload.
After their initial reluctance, the old, traditional media – both print and electronic – has been forced to use the new tools of media to disseminate content – news, features, articles, video clips of programmes and photographs. From the platform of this new media, the traditional content-providers interact directly with users scattered around the globe, rather than confine themselves to just a neighbourhood, town, city, or country.
While the information revolution has magnified the footprints of traditional media outlets, it has also empowered individuals who can upload their content online without the scrutiny of the gatekeepers of information.
So, in the age of this interactive, ever-expanding media, many users are no longer silent consumers of content produced by the conventional media. Instead, they direct and dictate it by building trends on social media and share their own information and opinion on various platforms. The ‘information highway’ is not used merely to promote the content produced by media houses. Users compete with it and even challenge it by generating and disseminating content of their own.
In this aspect, modern Pakistanis follow the global trend, which started in the West, where the circulation of newspapers and magazines is on the decline and in recent years, hundreds of publications have ceased to exist. Does this mean that Pakistan will follow the same trend and witness a shrinking print market?
If we view this from the perspective of modern, globally connected Pakistanis, we will obviously reach this conclusion. This would spell a bleak future for the existing print media publications, which face stiff competition from the electronic as well as the digital media, where revenues are increasing at a much faster pace compared to print, according to industry sources.
However, the print media still retains its number-two position in the overall market share of advertising revenues, estimated at approximately Rs.70 billion to Rs. 75 billion. The electronic media holds the biggest share (around 50 per cent) of advertising revenues. The share of digital media – currently the lowest advertising revenue earner – will continue to rise, as both the media houses and advertisers see its tremendous growth potential. Advertising industry sources say that after registering a handsome double digit growth in 2015-16, there has been a slight drop in overall advertising revenue in the outgoing fiscal year, in which the federal and Punjab governments emerge as the biggest advertisers.
For the print media players, the worrisome challenge is that while they managed to get eyeballs by creating websites and pushing their content on the new media, they have been unable to convert it into a matching revenue stream. Yes, there has been growth in the advertisement revenues of their websites, but it is miniscule as their readers prefer free online content rather than paying for it. Leading media houses face the same challenge in the West, where the penetration of plastic money and online payments is much higher than in developing countries like Pakistan.
In Pakistan’s context, there is another challenge, which the print media faced even before the rise of the information age. The circulation of our publications remains small, owing to the 58 per cent literacy rate in Pakistan’s 200 million-plus population. However, the largest circulated Urdu-language newspaper’s print size is estimated at less than half a million copies and that of the English-language newspaper well below 100,000 copies a day. There are no authentic circulation figures available, given the fact that media owners grossly exaggerate print orders while registering for certification, at the Audit Bureau of Circulation, Pakistan. In comparison, the two largest selling newspapers in the UK – which has a population of 65 million – have a circulation of 1.6 million and 1.5 million copies daily.
The low circulation of newspapers in Pakistan is not solely due to the high cost of newsprint or poor demand. Owners of media houses do not want to push the circulation of their publications beyond a certain limit, to cut costs and maintain higher profits. This strategy may seem to make sense now, but in the long run it is myopic, as eventually, low or depleting circulation would start impacting advertising revenues.
Given the educated Pakistanis’ preference for the digital medium, the low circulation-base of publications and their slow revenue growth, the future of the print media appears bleak. Journalists, such as myself, will probably fall into the category of the last generation of traditional print media dinosaurs – all set to become extinct sooner than later.
But luckily, the print media’s future cannot be summed up simply in black and white.
Let’s take the case of Shakir – an 18-year-old from Sadiqabad, Punjab – who works as a domestic help in the house of the same journalist friend I mentioned, whose son is hooked to digital media and doesn’t read newspapers. Shakir, a school dropout, reads an Urdu-language paper daily, when he gets a little break from work at around 11 am. He skims through the political headlines, but his main interest lies in the news and gossip about actors, movie stars, as well as sports.
We notice countless such Shakirs in the working class and low- and middle-income groups in Pakistan. These young ones and their elders like to romance the printed word whenever they get an opportunity. As the literacy rate is likely to improve (though it declined by 2.0 per cent in 2015-16, under the current democratic dispensation), more working class people, your driver and cook, as well as the chowkidar, electrician and plumber, read various types of publications. They have an appetite for news and information. They would read more, if given the opportunity. This section of Pakistan – much bigger in size – may not be English-language savvy, but it can read and write in Urdu and other provincial languages. It provides the print media with a massive opportunity to expand its circulation and size.
Our demographics, the expected growth in literacy, improvement in economy and purchasing power – all offer the print media a new potential for improving sales.
However, the print media must continue to see the rise and rapid expansion of digital media as an advantage, rather than stifling competition. Eventually, publications would be able to carve out a niche for themselves in paid content, rather than offering it for free on the information highway.
Our newsrooms and the outlook of the editorial management must adjust accordingly and they have already begun to do so.
Why doubt the print media’s ability and capacity to adjust and reinvent itself in the face of competition? Wasn’t the rise of commercial radio, in the early 20th century, taken as a death knell for the newspapers? But not only did they survive, they continued to expand. The advent of television in the 1950s, was also seen as a replacement for print; but again it managed to survive, albeit with the demise of afternoon papers in the West. However, some of our local afternoon papers continue to survive – with less fanfare.
The advent of the internet age, after 2000, and the rapid expansion of smartphones in recent years, certainly pose a new kind of challenge for the print media, but it should only help it improve and change for the better. After all, the main trade of print media is not ink, paper or pens, but credible news and information and sound comments and analyses. The medium may change, future publications may look and feel different in the mid to long term, but in every age there will be demand for news, information and its interpretation. So we are not likely to go out of business.

Dangerous Brinkmanship

By Amir Zia
Monthly Narratives
October 2017

The greater onus of saving the system lies with the PML-N leadership which has to act minus the Sharifs. This is the only way to ensure the continuity of the system and ensure improvement through reforms.

Nawaz Sharif is out of the Prime Minister House, but the dark shadow cast by his politics keeps Pakistan seething in a cauldron of uncertainty. In fact, the Sharif factor has now become the biggest cause of continuing instability, conflict and discord in the land of the pure.
The deepening polarisation in Pakistani politics is not a mere conventional power tussle between rival forces. The crisis is graver and, if not resolved swiftly, threatens the entire system.
The ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) has abused and coerced Parliament into rewriting the rules of the game in a bid to whitewash the corruption and crimes of its leader and family, deliberately pitting institution versus institution.
But this is not the first time in our chequered history that a powerful, political dynasty is trying to take on the institutions and seeking to place itself above the law. Sharif, the patriarch of this dynasty, has walked this self-defeating path twice in the past. But the major difference this time around is that the political stalemate has been prolonged. This is hampering the normal functioning of the government, given that neither side has been able to emerge as a clear winner, nor has been successful in breaking the impasse to keep the system working.
De-facto Premier
The Supreme Court disqualified Sharif from holding public office, but the ousted premier continues to keep his grip on power, operating as the de-facto prime minister.
There is no doubt that he has conceded a lot of ground and the Panama papers scandal grossly tarnished his image. Yet in the initial months following his ignominious ousting, Sharif somehow managed to keep the ruling party intact.
There have been voices of dissent and calls for self-criticism within the party by old-guards like Chaudhary Nisar Ali Khan, the former interior minister, but has far as the optics are concerned the party stays united.
On one hand, this signifies some deft handling of the situation by Sharif and his loyalists. But on the other, it demonstrates that the ‘powers,’ which allegedly want to see the last of him, are either not out for the kill and want the system to continue – at least for now – or feel that they lack the capacity to face the ensuing consequences once they upset the applecart.
    This has provided time and space for Sharif to dig in his heels deeper and launch a counter-offensive in which the judiciary and the army remain the primary targets for allegedly hatching a conspiracy against him.
The PML-N government is bending and changing laws through its Parliamentary majority to benefit Sharif and using executive power to the hilt to control, influence and direct the investigation agencies, in a bid to blunt the judicial process against him on the charges of corruption. He has already been re-elected as the chief of his own faction of the party as a result of an amendment bulldozed in the Parliament, though constitutional experts say that it stands in conflict with the spirit of the constitution which bars a disqualified person from holding any public office. The same yardstick also applied on the political parties and their heads – but not anymore.
Sharif’s objectives
Sharif’s objectives are not just to win back lost space, redeem his name and restore honour, but to weaken the institutions he thinks are responsible for his fall from grace and dismissal from the halls of power.
Clearly, this goal cannot be achieved without weakening and defeating these institutions by hook or by crook. This primary objective is also shared by the traditional anti-army forces within the country, as well as hostile regional and foreign powers, with India leading the pack. Should there be any doubt about the covert and overt support of these domestic and foreign forces for Sharif to move towards this goal?
Sharif and his camp followers, who have a bitter history of confrontation with institutions, see the army as the main obstacle in the implementation of their design of building ties with India at the cost of the core Kashmir dispute. They also realise that these very institutions – the judiciary and the army – stand between them and the attainment of their goal of establishing dynastic rule in the garb of democracy.
Pakistan’s dysfunctional and skewed parliamentary system allows them to strive for this goal by manipulating and dominating the politics of just one province – the heavily populated Punjab – where the Sharif dynasty has solidly entrenched itself, especially in central Punjab.
No wonder then, that the PML-N’s anti-army tirade not just echoes the charges made by local and foreign anti-Pakistan forces, but also seems to be in tandem with them, as they all try to build a narrative that holds Pakistani institutions responsible for fanning regional and global terrorism. They also accuse the army of preventing Pakistan from cooperating and building ties with India and Afghanistan.
This explains why the erstwhile Sharif government did not fight Pakistan’s case at international forums when he was the prime minister. And after his ouster, Pakistan’s first foreign minister in four years – Khawaja Asif – presented a point-of-view that is basically an acknowledgment of the charges levelled by the hostile powers.
The foreign minister’s statement that Pakistan needs to put its house in order is in stark contrast to the policy articulated by Army Chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa on Sept 6 – Pakistan Defence Day – in which he asked the world to do more in counter-terrorism efforts. General Bajwa also stated that world powers should not blame Pakistan for their policy failures in Afghanistan.
Impact of brinkmanship    
Despite all the short-comings, weaknesses, flaws and the anti-people character of the current elected order, so far there is a broad institutional and political consensus that it should be allowed to continue.
The armed forces want to stay away from directly interfering in politics and are operating on the premise that the democracy will self-correct over time and deliver on its promise to improve the lives of the people and stabilise the country’s internal and external security issues.
However, while State institutions support the continuity of the system, there are certain red lines and core national interests, which are uncompromisingly guarded. This includes the country’s stance on the protracted Kashmir dispute, its nuclear programme – vital for the country’s overall security – and ensuring the unity of the state. On all these fronts, the Pakistan Armed Forces remain the lynchpin of the national security paradigm.
However, while State institutions support the continuity of the system, there are certain red lines and core national interests, which are uncompromisingly guarded
As Sharif and his followers up the ante against institutions in tandem with the hostile foreign and local powers, the institutional leadership, which has hitherto maintained a stance of neutrality throughout the turbulent days around the Panama Papers investigation and judicial proceedings, as well as during the prolonged opposition sit-in and protests during 2014, would be forced to take a position.
The expectations of the masses in times of crisis, especially from the Armed Forces and the institutional pressure from within, may force their leadership to act to end the continuing instability and protracted stalemate.
While many analysts and political players believe that Sharif himself wants to push the institutions to take this extreme step so that he can become a ‘political martyr,’ the former prime minister seems to be aware of the fact that the military leadership – since the tenures of General (Retd) Pervez Ashfaque Kayani to that of General (Retd) Raheel Sharif – the most popular army chiefs in Pakistan’s recent history – to the current General Bajwa, have been loyal in their pledge of upholding the Constitution.
Similarly, the judiciary has also come a long way from the activist days of former Chief Justice (Retd) Iftikhar Chaudhary and is acting with extreme caution and restraint, as evident from its handling of the Panama Papers case, in which the Sharif family was provided every possible chance to clear their names.
That is the reason Sharif is attacking the judiciary and the army at will, without any fear of retaliation. But the internal policy of institutional restraint has already been tested to its limits. When push comes to shove, institutions would be forced to act – albeit reluctantly – in the larger national interest. This, of course, is not their preferred choice, nor is it the desire of the political players sitting on the government or opposition benches, other than the flailing Nawaz Sharif and his inner coterie. The applecart will only be disturbed when no other option is left on the table, but the time for a solution is running out fast given Sharif’s brinkmanship and politics of confrontation.
Warding off the crisis
In their own interest, PML-N stalwarts, including Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi, must distance themselves from Sharif’s confrontational policies and help the Accountability Courts hold his free, fair and transparent trial.
Attempts by the PML-N government to enact personality-specific laws – as was done to make Sharif the head of PML-N again – will only intensify the conflict and force political and institutional players to act aggressively and with greater determination.
Sharif has been disqualified on legal grounds by the apex court. The institutions have shown that they are only interested in reforms and holding the corrupt accountable rather than wrapping up the system. And of course, they won’t allow Sharif back in the saddle, after a short span, given his involvement in corruption and a mindset fixated on confrontation and settling scores.
The only way Sharif can win back the lost ground is by knocking down, damaging and defeating the institutions with support from like-minded local and foreign players. That cannot happen without harming Pakistan.
Will all PML-N leaders, as well as the rank and file of the party, collaborate in the mission to ‘destroy Pakistan?’ This is the one thing that one does not expect from a centre-right party like the PML-N.
The greater onus of saving the system lies with the PML-N leadership which has to act minus the Sharifs. This is the only way to ensure the continuity of the system and ensure improvement through reforms.
The institutions will only take the extreme step if they are forced to the edge by the provocative policies and statements emanating from Sharif and his bandwagon. Will the ruling party be able to shed the millstone dragging the system down? So far, Sharif seems to be having his way by putting the entire system at stake as the PML-N stalwarts dance to his tune.

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