Editorial: A Glimmer Of Hope

Editorial 
Bol News 
November 27, 2022 

The announcement of a change of command in the Pakistan Army’s leadership has been hailed across the country – from the corridors of power to the proverbial man on the street.

As the current Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Qamar Javed Bajwa prepares to hang up his boots on November 29 after a six-year stint in the country’s most powerful office, he leaves behind a highly divided and politically polarized country teetering on the brink of default on its foreign exchange payments.

This is the opposite of what he had inherited when his predecessor, General Raheel Sharif, handed him over the command of Pakistan’s most powerful and respected institution – the Pakistan Army.

At that time, the Pakistan Army was at the zenith of its popularity, particularly for its successes in the war against terrorism, starting an anti-corruption drive within the institution and supporting a similar campaign in the civilian domain.

General Bajwa did carry the momentum forward, but towards the fag end of his career, he lost the plot.

General Bajwa’s abrupt decision of transforming the institution into an “apolitical and neutral” entity is largely being blamed for the country’s current political and economic mess.

Even the Pakistan Army as an institution became controversial as people reacted to the way graft cases against some of the most corruption-tainted politicians collapsed and they got back into power. These developments widened the trust gap between the masses and the ruling elite.

But now it is the time to pick up the pieces. The nation is once again looking towards the Pakistan Army and its new leadership to help bring political stability in the country, which cannot be done until the institution returns back to its traditional role of acting as a stabilizing factor for the state and the strongest guardian of the country’s core national interests, including the Kashmir cause.

The COAS-designate General Asim Munir and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee (CJCSC) General Sahir Shamshad Mirza both enjoy tremendous goodwill across the political divide. And that’s the reason expectations are huge from the new military leaders.

Although it is not part of the new-COAS’ job description, the biggest and most pressing item on his list would be the country’s continuing political deadlock and the simmering instability.

This has emerged as the biggest national security risk in recent months as without addressing it, neither a roadmap of economic recovery can be given and implemented, nor foreign relations can be managed.

Stability and unity of action on all these fronts are directly linked with the country’s defence as they fall under the broader ambit of national security. Therefore, defusing political tensions and breaking the deadlock is of prime importance and the new COAS will be forced to play his role in this regard.

Yes, when politicians, as per their tradition, are unable to resolve their differences inside or outside the parliament, it becomes the responsibility of the Pakistan Army to help them find a middle-ground and ensure that they chalk out a roadmap that can take the country forward.

In a developing country like Pakistan, this is a justified demand and expectation from the country’s most disciplined, powerful and modern institution.

The Pakistan Army should not yield to the pressure, propaganda and demand of those foreign and local players, who want to curtail and contain its role in the name of democracy.

Pakistani democracy needs the support of all the state institutions, including the Pakistan Army, to become pro-people, honest and genuinely representative of the people.

For the vast majority of Pakistanis, the support of the Pakistan Armed Forces is vital for the success of the project called democracy in the country that needs to be freed from the clutches of dynastic politicians, elite capture and the corrupt.

Therefore, the army should religiously stick to its traditional role and continue to help the weak civilian institutions improve, reform and deliver. The political parties should also need to review the ground situation objectively and instead of falling prey to the verbosity of civilian supremacy, they need learn to work with the institutions, introduce internal democracy within their ranks and allow not just middle and lower-middle class representation in the parliament but also of the urban working class and the farmers.

As an overwhelmingly youthful Pakistani population craves for a change, the state institutions must facilitate it rather than be seen standing with the tried, tested and failed dynastic politicians. With the change of military command, there are high expectations that the institution will keep itself aligned with the aspirations of the masses in line with the demands of the 21st century rather than sticking with the old political order.

The Hour of the General

By Amir Zia
November 27, 2022
Bol News

More than his epaulets, the new army chief will be carrying the weight of Pakistan on his shoulders

General Asim Munir will take command of the Pakistan Army as its eleventh Chief of Army Staff (COAS) on Tuesday, November 29, amid high expectations that he will act swiftly to pull the country out of the lingering political crisis it is embroiled in, which is having a crippling effect on the economy of the world’s lone Muslim nuclear power.

The burden of expectations on the COAS-designate is huge. On one hand, General Munir will have to manage the traditional internal and external security challenges facing the country, and on the other, he will need to address the domestic political logjam and growing polarisation on a war-footing. The increasing political instability is now seen as posing an existential threat to the country that might even deny the new COAS the traditional settling-in ‘honeymoon’ period. He will be expected to get into the thick of action from day one, regardless of the outgoing Chief, General Qamar Javed Bajwa’s declaration of the Pak Army’s decision to remain apolitical since February this year.

With the former premier, Imran Khan, now out on the roads with tens of thousands of supporters  demanding early elections in the country, and the Shehbaz Sharif government determined to cling to power despite its growing unpopularity, the politicians have proved once again that they are unable to settle their differences on their own — inside or outside Parliament. Against this backdrop, there is a growing realisation in all segments of society that the system is crumbling. And this is why many eyes are looking towards the GHQ, expecting it to play its traditional role of ensuring stability in the country.

“General Asim Munir won’t be able to remain apolitical – whether he likes it or not,” said Huma Baqai, a prominent analyst and political commentator. “He will have to apply unconventional methods to end this dangerous political polarisation and confrontation, which Pakistan can ill-afford…the new army chief will have to play the role of a bridge either covertly or overtly.”

Other analysts lay the blame for the current state of affairs squarely on the military’s doorstep. They contend that the country became a victim of political instability since the Pakistan Army, under the command of General Qamar Javed Bajwa, announced its policy of being “neutral and apolitical.” Even in his last public speech, General Bajwa asserted this position, which appears unpopular among many Pakistanis, who have always looked towards the Pakistan Army in every moment of crisis. Indeed, for a vast majority of Pakistanis, the army has remained a stabilising force. But this image has taken a hit by the way traditional political dynasties with a horrendous record of corruption and misrule have been allowed to return to power.

For Lt. General (Retired) Ghulam Mustafa, the one silver lining in these tough times is that the appointments of both, the COAS, General Asim Munir, and the Chairman Joint Chief of Staff Committee, General Sahir Shamshad Mirza, have been endorsed by all the political parties and generally welcomed by the people.

“This gives them the moral authority to help defuse the political crisis,” said General Mustafa. “There are huge expectations from the new army chief about playing a role in sorting out this political mess and ensuring that the system continues to work. These are the expectations harbored by the people and the military rank and file. This political crisis is compounding the country’s economic crisis.”

Lt. Gen. (Retired) Naeem Khalid Lodhi also highlighted the expectations of the masses from the new army chief. “People are expecting him to help bridge the political gulf and ensure that all political parties are treated equally. He should play his role in defusing the political tension and make the politicians sit across the table. This would be taking a positive role. It cannot be construed as political interference,” he stated.

Baqai echoed the same line of thinking saying that when politicians fail to find a political solution, others have to act and find one. She maintained, “The new chief will have to demonstrate that he is engaged on behalf of the state and not for the government. This symbolism is vital… he has to operate in a way that he wins the trust of both the political camps.”

Since the ouster of the Imran Khan government in April this year, even many erstwhile die-hard supporters of the Pakistan Army have been criticising the institution, saying that its neutrality and silence helped the most corrupt political dynasties’ return to power.

The anti-corruption narrative was once the bedrock of the Pakistan Army and General Bajwa himself pushed it in his initial years as the COAS.

Analysts say that the new chief will have to work hard to dispel the perception that the Pakistan Army has now become the protector of the corrupt in any way.

General Mustafa said that the public image of the Pakistan Army needs to be restored. “The bond between the people and the barracks and the military rank-and-file with its leadership is vital,” he contended.

Javed Jabbar, Information Minister during the days of General Pervez Musharraf, however, demurred. According to him, the army chief should have no role in ending the country’s political logjam. “It is the responsibility of the politicians … they should stop looking at the military for solutions, and instead take this responsibility upon themselves. The onus lies on them.”

Jabbar added that the new COAS is a highly-rated and acknowledged officer, who has won the sword of honour. “Hopefully in this position, he will review the role of the army and go for a comprehensive disengagement in the civilian domain.”

But the polarised domestic political front is only one of the many pressing challenges which are on the new COAS’ plate.

According to Gen Lodhi, the Shehbaz government does not know or comprehend the new kind of war that has been unleashed against Pakistan. “The TTP (Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan) is once again carrying out terrorist attacks on our soil, there is trouble in Balochistan, while the Indian generals are threatening Pakistan on a daily basis. Pakistan needs to refocus on the war against terrorism and reassert its position in region,” Gen. Lodhi asserted. “There is also a need to take hold of foreign policy which appears directionless. Relations with China are of prime importance and need to be rejuvenated … And besides the important task of rebuilding the army’s image and review of the security matrix, the new COAS must review the military system to make it affordable, yet maintain its strategic deterrence and operational efficacy in this time of economic crunch.”

General Ghulam Mustafa agreed that foreign relations would also be a front requiring some deft handling by the new COAS. “The national sentiment about Kashmir has to be taken into account… The challenge emanating from India has to be addressed. The new COAS has to give the people confidence that Pakistan is fully capable of countering the Indian threat.”

He, too, asserted that since relations with China appear to be “cooling-off,” they must be revitalised. Similarly, he said, the Afghan Taliban need to be reengaged out of the public glare to secure the western frontiers. The General however, acknowledged that the economic meltdown is the gravest challenge and even the rank and file of the armed forces are affected by the current record inflation.

Baqai spoke of the spate of anti-army propaganda witnessed in recent months. “The new military leadership will have to work hard to address this challenge and restore the image of its institution,” she maintained.

Given the need for a drastic course correction, Pakistanis now fervently hope the new military leadership will act in line with their traditional role and with the aspirations of the people, rather than be seen helping restore the discredited politicians of the 1990s in 21st Century Pakistan.

https://www.bolnews.com/newspaper/national-nerve/2022/11/the-hour-of-the-general/

Ends

Editorial Ominous Times

Bol Weekly Newspaper
Sept. 18, 2022

The task of putting the house in order starts by bringing in a strong and stable government which enjoys the trust of the masses. This can only be done by calling snap-elections. Those who want this Parliament – with an incomplete National Assembly – to complete its term, want Pakistan to implode from within.

Pakistan remains in the grip of intense political confrontation, instability and uncertainty since the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) announced bringing a no-confidence motion against the then premier Imran Khan in February this year. After all the palace intrigues and buying and selling of lawmakers, finally the vote of no-confidence took place on April 10, which paved the way for Shehbaz Sharif to become Prime Minister in a highly controversial manner. But since then, the political polarisation has only intensified.

Those analysts do not exaggerate when they say that these are the most testing times for the country since 1970-71. Those sharp divisions of led to the East Pakistan debacle against the backdrop of a massive cyclone there. Today, the signs are equally ominous as the divide and confrontation is not just restricted between the political rivals – the PDM versus Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), but it has seeped into the very core of our civil society and institutions.
In the 1970s, if the core of the problem was the power and economic imbalance between the Eastern and Western wings of Pakistan, today the political division and discord is over whether the country should again be handed over to the corruption-tainted political dynasties through a dubious and flawed process in the name of democracy and parliament.
Attached to this question are other fundamental issues that include reforming this non-performing parliamentary system, which is elitist in nature and deny people belonging to the middle and the lower-middle classes, and workers and peasants a representation in the law and decision-making process. The tried, tested and failed system allows politicians to run political parties like their personal or family fiefdoms, and condones and encourages corruption, nepotism and the elite capture of the national resources. The 18th amendment, which has allowed provinces to function as states within a state, and the flawed distribution formula of the national resources in which the centre remains responsible for all the responsibilities, but without any money, has made Pakistan unsustainable. Against this backdrop, Imran Khan’s call for the creation of smaller provinces, accountability of the corrupt and sweeping political and economic reforms backed by an independent foreign policy makes sense. Whether his own party, the PTI, has the capacity and ability to make this happen is a separate discussion.
The crux of the matter is that Pakistan under the current form appears to be getting weaker, and more and more unmanageable and ungovernable with each passing day. The situation has become even more complicated because of one of the worst natural calamities that has befallen Pakistan in the form of devastating floods. This has aggravated Pakistan’s already precarious economic situation. There is a need to put an immediate halt to this non-stop steep deterioration.
But the question remains where to start? An unpopular, controversial coalition government, which itself is mired with unresolvable internal contradictions, is unable to give any direction and pull the country out of this political and economic quagmire. The past five months are a living proof of how the Shehbaz Sharif government has failed the country on every front, particularly the economy. Inflation is hovering at more than 27 percent – a 49 year high. The rupee is taking a beating against the dollar every day. Economic activity had slowed down even before the floods hit the country. The body language of the government stalwarts – from Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif to Finance Minister Miftah Ismail – is defeatist as they fail to convince the big businesses and corporates to bet on Pakistan.
The task of putting the house in order starts by bringing in a strong and stable government which enjoys the trust of the masses. This can only be done by calling snap-elections. Those who want this Parliament – with an incomplete National Assembly – to complete its term, want Pakistan to implode from within. They just want to serve their personal agenda and narrow political interests. A country of more than 220 million people cannot be allowed to ruin itself on the whims and fancies of a handful of individuals or political dynasties.
The state institutions – particularly the Pakistan Army and the judiciary – must act before it is too late for the country. They should facilitate the installation of an independent caretaker setup with a clear roadmap for the next general elections. Anything short of that and any delays would only damage Pakistan. Desperate times call for desperate measures.

Imran Khan’s New Gamble

Former premier’s proposal to defer the appointment of the new army chief raises hopes of a breakthrough in the lingering stalemate, but insiders say the political tussle remains far from over

By Amir Zia

Sept. 18. 2022

Bol Weekly Newspaper

Former prime minister Imran Khan has created waves in the murky waters of Pakistani politics with his call for “deferring” the appointment of the new army chief until fresh elections are held, but senior officials of his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) say the proposal does not mean that the party’s top leaders have established any formal contacts with the military establishment.
“There has been no official response either from Rawalpindi or Islamabad as to whether they have accepted or rejected this idea,” a close aide of Imran Khan told Bol News. “But they are under tremendous pressure because their strategy to bring economic and political stability in the country has totally failed.”
Imran Khan had said in an interview given to senior journalist Kamran Khan on Monday, 12 September, that the minority Shehbaz Sharif government which only has 85 seats of its own in the National Assembly should not appoint the new army chief, and that this important decision should be left to the new government.
However, a number of senior leaders of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) have rejected Imran Khan’s proposal, saying the appointment of the new army chief remains a prerogative of the prime minister, whether or not Mr. Khan likes it.
The incumbent Chief of the Army Staff (COAS), General Qamar Javed Bajwa, is set to retire in November after completing his second three-year term in office. Imran Khan’s supporters say that this important appointment should be made by the new government rather than what they call the “corruption-tainted” politicians.
Imran Khan’s aide, who requested anonymity, said that his party wanted early elections in the country without resorting to any “conflict or bloodshed.”
“But there are serious moves to get Imran Khan disqualified,” he said. “Those in power must remember that when Nawaz Sharif was disqualified from holding public office, or when doors of domestic politics were slammed on Altaf Hussain, they both were among the most unpopular politicians. Here you have a leader who is already at the zenith of his popularity.”
Another senior PTI official said that Imran Khan had not proposed that General Bajwa be given another extension. “What he meant was that a status-quo should be maintained until the holding of the next elections. By doing this, Imran Khan has given a way out to the army to defuse political tensions and prevent any controversy for the new army chief if he is appointed by a compromised set of politicians.”
A senior army official, while explaining the process of the army chief’s appointment, said that there are important matters which cannot be deferred or put on hold because of politics.
“Appointment of the army chief is the prime minister’s responsibility. He can pick any Lieutenant General among the top four or five on the seniority list for this slot. It hardly matters whether he is selected by prime minister ‘A’ or prime minister ‘B’. The system should work as per the Constitution… there is a chain of appointments that follows once this decision is made.”
The PTI sources allege that the entire system is working to damage and erode the support-base of their party.
“They are targeting Imran Khan and trying to dismantle our party… there has been a multi-front assault on us. They tried to bring a change in the provincial government in Khyber-Pakhtunkhawa, but failed. Now the same effort is on in Punjab,” the PTI official said.
Imran Khan, too, has made the same allegations in his public meetings.
The PTI official also alleged that the PTI lawmakers and leaders are receiving threatening calls in which they are asked to change their loyalties.”
“The minus-one formula (minus Imran Khan) is on top of their agenda. The powers that be know that without Imran Khan, the PTI would collapse.”
Multiple PTI sources say that Imran Khan appears determined to give a final protest call sooner than later. “It will be done this month. There will be agitation.”
However, the former premier’s aide said that defusing political polarization should be on top of the agenda. “The government should be clear that eventually they will have to go for elections. The longer the government delays it, the more unpopular it is going to become because they are unable to manage the economy which is likely to worsen further in the days ahead. Therefore, early elections should also suit them.”
He said that the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) – comprising the PML-N, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and others – committed a blunder by shooting down the proposal of early elections by Prime Minister Imran Khan when it was conveyed to them through the COAS. “If elections were held at that time, the fight would have been even. But now it will be a landslide victory for the PTI.”
A senior PML-N leader and a close aide of Nawaz Sharif, who spoke on condition of anonymity, admitted that early elections remain the only way out of this simmering political and economic crisis.
“I am not saying that the economic mess would go away the moment elections are held. But a new elected government would come with a fresh mandate and would be in a better position to take long-term economic decisions, something this government can’t do,” he said.
Admitting that the PDM leadership made a mistake by forcing the no-confidence motion against Imran Khan in April this year, he said it had revived Mr. Khan’s politics and popularity.
“During a year between March 2021 and February 2022, the PTI won only one out of 13 seats to which by-elections were held. It also lost recent local bodies elections in Cantonment areas… as well as in the PTI-ruled KP province during the first phase. But now the tide has turned. One example is the NA-245 by-election in Karachi, where the government-backed candidate lost against the PTI with a huge margin despite support from the federal, provincial as well as the city governments. But irrespective of who wins or loses, Pakistan needs to go for elections. No government can deliver without having a complete five-year mandate,” the PML-N leader said.
Another PML-N leader, who hails from Karachi and enjoys close ties with Nawaz Sharif, said the current polarisation and divisions are dangerous for the state. “There is a division not just in society, but also within the institutions. The best solution would be that each institution works within its constitutional parameters. As far as Imran Khan is concerned, his brinkmanship won’t pay off as the contempt of court case is of a serious nature. He and his party would soon be history.” 
However, the PML-N leader quoted earlier differs with this view. “The Imran Khan phenomenon won’t go away by banning him from politics. He will be back on D-Chowk in case he is artificially ousted. Therefore, elections remain the only way forward.”

Exposing the fallacy of 'deal'

By Amir Zia
January 8, 2022
Bol News

The state’s lack of capacity to hold the corrupt accountable and failure to ensure the rule of law is keeping the country in perpetual political turmoil. These are the challenges which require resetting the system and introducing sweeping structural changes.

The Pakistan Army had to officially deny rumours of a deal between former premier Nawaz Sharif and the establishment to take the wind out of the double-edged propaganda campaign which, on one hand, aimed to destabilise the government and discredit the military leadership and, on the other, create political space for one of the most corruption-tainted political families of the country.

Major General Babar Iftikhar, the Director General of the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), in his short but emphatic response to a question, during his first briefing of 2022, called speculations of a deal with Nawaz Sharif “baseless” and said that individuals making these claims should be asked to give evidence and name those making such offers. DG ISPR’s response was in line with the Pakistan Army’s policy of operating within its constitutional ambit and not getting into the business of making or breaking of the governments as was once the norm in the 1990s.

But it seems that Pakistan’s traditional parties – aka the political establishment – from the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) to the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and their allies want to rewind time and embark on a journey into the past. The journey which takes them to the era of the 1990s when one political party conspired against the other by striking underhand deals with the establishment. The brazen loot and plunder and gross mismanagement forced the establishment of those times to support change in hopes of a better outcome, which unfortunately never materialised.

Times changed, but not the old habits of politicians who thrive on dynastic politics and manipulation of the weak and flawed democratic institutions of the country. No wonder, all the major opposition players – from Sharifs to Zardaris – are still looking towards the establishment for their return to the corridors of power, though for the public consumption their leadership keeps issuing politically correct statements. Just as both the PML-N and the PPP repeated this mantra after DG ISPR’s briefing of January 5 that they bank on nothing else but the power of votes.

However, their compulsions of realpolitik remain totally opposite. If, in a recent speech in Nawabshah, former president Asif Ali Zardari in not so veiled terms asked the establishment to first send this government packing, the PML-N too came up with its own story of a deal which would pave way for Nawaz Sharif’s return and eventual ascend to power. The planted story of Sharif’s return was bought hook, line and sinker by many of our “informed analysts and mediapersons” who painted it as a done deal.

However, in their passion to push the storyline of “Sharif’s triumphant return,” they completely ignored the fact that the former Premier was not just an absconder, but a certified convict. Only by trampling the law of the land and the constitution, could Nawaz Sharif be given a clean chit in the blink of an eye.

Was it even logical to think that the military leadership would do this for Nawaz Sharif or for that matter any other politician by setting aside all the principles, the law and the constitution? How any institution or its leadership could have explained this about-turn to the masses? How could this be explained even to its own rank-and-file?

And for that matter is the establishment oblivious of the hostility and antagonism Nawaz Sharif, his daughter Maryam and handful of close loyalists harbour towards the institution of the army? The PML-N’s ruling family – read the duo of Nawaz and Maryam – not just want to target a few individual officials, but they want to change the whole complexion of the army. Sharif in the past too had tried to transform the Pakistan Army into the Punjab Police by interfering in postings and promotions, but failed to have his way. Now after the ouster from power for the third time, which was because of Sharif’s involvement in the Panama Scandal, he still holds the Army responsible for his disgraceful exit and wants to settle the score by maligning the institution and its leadership.

Those who orchestrated the story of the deal – now being vehemently denied by the PML-N leaders – wanted to cash in on the recent friction between Prime Minister Imran Khan and the military leadership over the appointment of the ISI chief. The aim was to create mistrust and try to widen any possible wedge between the two sides. But that episode is done and over with and the civil and military leadership are back on their normal working relations.

However, this did not stop Nawaz loyalists from pushing the story that the military leadership is desperate to get rid of Imran Khan and wants Nawaz Sharif back to pull the country out of its economic challenges. Some close aides of Sharif were seen proudly boasting that it was Nawaz Sharif, who kept stiff conditions for a deal in which a public apology from the institution remains one of the top demands.

But there are many in the government and the opposition camp who know that many of the economic issues are the result of structural flaws and inherent weaknesses of the system and corruption of the past rulers. Imran Khan and his team’s lack of capacity alone is not responsible for the deterioration of conditions, given his government’s thin majority in the Parliament and a hostile but entrenched interest group working 24/7 to make it unsuccessful – from those in the political to the media establishment.

Imran Khan’s stubbornness and mistaken priorities may have complicated some of the challenges, but on many of the broader issues, there are no fundamental differences between the civil and military leadership. Both sides are well aware of the grave challenges faced by the country on the domestic and external fronts and know that it can ill-afford any misadventure or heightened political instability.

However, the agenda of the opposition is to keep the political pot on the boil at the cost of political stability of the country. By doing this, the opposition wants to maintain pressure on the government and show its relevance. Hence, the regular and frequent calls for agitation and protests as the PPP announced its anti-government march for February 27 and the PDM threatening to do the same in March. This never-ending protest mood, agitation and political polarisation is an in-built flaw of parliamentary democracy, which is one key reason hampering stability and progress in Pakistan.

The state’s lack of capacity to hold the corrupt accountable and failure to ensure the rule of law is keeping the country in perpetual political turmoil. These are the challenges which require resetting the system and introducing sweeping structural changes. Unfortunately, this is not even on the PTI agenda.

Yet, Prime Minister Imran Khan still has a good one-and-a-half year in power before the 2023 elections. And even if his government operates within this degenerated and flawed parliamentary system of democracy, it can at least put the accountability process back on track to ensure that the corrupt stays out of the electoral politics and address some of the economic issues to mitigate the burden on the common man, who is been squeezed by rising inflation and falling income. To achieve even these minimalistic goals, the civil and military leadership would have to work in tandem and that too, against all the odds.

Going by the initial signs, 2022 is all set to take Pakistan on another rough ride in which heightened political polarisation, growing instability and uncertainty would remain the order of the day. Unfortunately, the state cannot put the house in order without stamping down hard on factors responsible for this situation. And to do this, overhauling the system inside out is a must. But who will bell the cat? Your guess is as good as mine.

The writer is the Editor-in-Chief, Bol Media Group