By Amir Zia
The News
May 30, 2012
We – the people of Karachi – will continue to live on the knife’s edge. Yes, there will be no end to the “targeted killings” and political, ethnic and sectarian turf wars in the near or distant future
The government appears clueless and entangled in a self-defeating exercise of political give-and-take and the resultant half-hearted measures against criminal-cum-political mafias responsible for the rampant lawlessness and bloodshed in Karachi. The police and the security establishment remain politicised and partisan. They continue with the dangerous game of supporting one group against the other in line with some mysterious “master security plan” of containing the political forces and maintaining their clout on Karachi’s chessboard.
Our major political parties refuse to see and act beyond their narrow interest. They lack both the ability and capacity needed to resolve the multi-faceted contradictions of this traumatised metropolis. Bringing about reconciliation and harmony among various ethnic, sectarian and interest groups and establishing rule of law seems beyond the scope of their agenda.
Therefore, we – the people of Karachi – will continue to live on the knife’s edge.
Yes, there will be no end to the “targeted killings” and political, ethnic and sectarian turf wars in the near or distant future. The politically-connected criminal gangs and mafias will continue to hold entire neighbourhoods under their shadow as they do today. The multi-billion rupee businesses of extortion and encroachment will keep thriving. Drugs and weapons will continue to flow into the city where citizens are but easy preys for robbers and bandits. The horror of political, sectarian and ethnic killings has come to define the city of Karachi so much so that while these killings hit the headline, robberies and street crime are not even seen as “news” these days. No wonder, the police refuse to lodge the first investigation reports in the majority of such cases. Or victims themselves don’t bother.
The present is depressing and the future undoubtedly bleak. There is no alternative future scenario possible as nothing concrete is being done to pull the city out of the vortex of lawlessness. With the general elections now looming on the horizon, political and interest groups all are all set to dig their heels deeper. This will intensify ethnic and sectarian polarisation in an already troubled city.
The figures underline the gravity of the situation. In May, more than 75 people have been killed so far in what the police describe as “targeted killings” or gun battles between rival political, ethnic, sectarian or criminal groups. The death toll of 2012 stands now at more than 500 – and we are still counting.
In 2011 and 2010, nearly 1600 and 1135 people were killed in similar violence and incidents of terrorism respectively. The preceding years of 2009 and 2008 were also marked with bloodshed in which 639 and 681 people lost their lives respectively. The death toll since this elected government took charge in early 2008 has crossed the 4,500 mark.
The pattern of lawlessness and the government response are eerily similar. The winds of change don’t blow here and the nexus between crime and politics remains unbreakable.
After every major spate of violence the government issues high-sounding statements about dealing with militants and criminals with an iron-hand, the hand which is always found missing when needed the most. President Asif Ali Zardari orders investigations. Interior Minister Rehman Malik rushes to the city promising a crackdown and vowing to restore peace. What follows is what is always there – business of crime as usual. The city limps back to an apparent normality on its own, but all its abnormalities are allowed to fester. The killers, the extortionists, the mafia chiefs and their henchmen remain free – so that they may strike another day.
If one notorious gangster is put out of action on completing his ‘life-cycle’, there are ready replacements available. The names and faces of the city’s “Dukaits, Commandoes, Chambers, Ladlas and Babus” do change, but the game remains the same. The carefully orchestrated events, incidents and provocative statements that trigger violence may seem different, but their essence remains the same. They keep the pot boiling.
The partners in the ruling coalition – the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) and the Awami National Party (ANP) – are tied together in a relationship of deep mistrust and seething antagonism. Their narrow political and financial stakes and their desire to retain and expand electoral turfs dictate the terms of engagement. The broader goals and a vision for a different Karachi, and a different Pakistan, find little space in their narrative.
These uneasy bed-fellows have mastered the art of Orwellian “double-speak.” Being “allies”, they hold endless rounds of talks, come up with announcements of addressing the differences, and yet they keep their daggers drawn at each other. While the leaders lock horns amidst barrages of allegations and counter-allegations, their rank and file settle scores on the streets.
Despite their lip service to the cause of bringing peace and rule of law to this battered city, none of the major parties are in the mood to disband their militant wings. Criminals continue to operate under their flags and succeed in politicising crime and criminalising politics. From the issue of encroachment to that of enforcing traffic rules and regulations on the public transporters, to the question of action against gangsters involved in extortion, any matter can become a political one in this unfortunate city and has the potential to ignite ethnic strife.
As politicians and government and security officials belonging to the overt and covert establishment point fingers at one another, none of them bother to come out with solutions, which are obvious and doable. They only require political will and a desire to play by the book.
The prime responsibility is of political parties – especially the ones which are part of the coalition government. They have to really mean “reconciliation” when they say it. They need to build a grand consensus and develop a code of conduct – at least on a few key points including closing their doors on criminals and agreeing on an operation against mafias involved in extortion, street crime and encroachments. This means ensuring that these criminals are unable to play the ethnic card when pushed against the wall. Zero tolerance for criminals will greatly help in changing Karachi for the better.
The collapse of law and order should be seen as a collective failure of these parties; they need to jointly work for establishing the rule of law here. Even if only one of them takes the lead and sincerely tries to bring people of all ethnicities and sects on board against killings and other crimes, the rest of the political forces will be compelled to follow. For every Urdu-speaking person, Sindhi, Baloch, Punjabi and Pakhtun feels unsafe in this city.
Fighting crime and lawlessness also requires an independent police force and an active judiciary. These two institutions should be free from political pressures and need sweeping reforms so that they are able to rise to the challenge of restoring peace in Karachi. The mighty security establishment also needs to play by the book and stop propping up puppets and cronies in an attempt to undermine other forces. Such attempts failed in the past and in fact made the Karachi situation more complex.
In the last year of their term, will the partners in the ruling coalition be able to make the right choices? Will the institutions learn from the past and unlearn practices which repeatedly failed? The record is dismal, but do we have any other choice?
The News
May 30, 2012
We – the people of Karachi – will continue to live on the knife’s edge. Yes, there will be no end to the “targeted killings” and political, ethnic and sectarian turf wars in the near or distant future
The government appears clueless and entangled in a self-defeating exercise of political give-and-take and the resultant half-hearted measures against criminal-cum-political mafias responsible for the rampant lawlessness and bloodshed in Karachi. The police and the security establishment remain politicised and partisan. They continue with the dangerous game of supporting one group against the other in line with some mysterious “master security plan” of containing the political forces and maintaining their clout on Karachi’s chessboard.
Our major political parties refuse to see and act beyond their narrow interest. They lack both the ability and capacity needed to resolve the multi-faceted contradictions of this traumatised metropolis. Bringing about reconciliation and harmony among various ethnic, sectarian and interest groups and establishing rule of law seems beyond the scope of their agenda.
Therefore, we – the people of Karachi – will continue to live on the knife’s edge.
Yes, there will be no end to the “targeted killings” and political, ethnic and sectarian turf wars in the near or distant future. The politically-connected criminal gangs and mafias will continue to hold entire neighbourhoods under their shadow as they do today. The multi-billion rupee businesses of extortion and encroachment will keep thriving. Drugs and weapons will continue to flow into the city where citizens are but easy preys for robbers and bandits. The horror of political, sectarian and ethnic killings has come to define the city of Karachi so much so that while these killings hit the headline, robberies and street crime are not even seen as “news” these days. No wonder, the police refuse to lodge the first investigation reports in the majority of such cases. Or victims themselves don’t bother.
The present is depressing and the future undoubtedly bleak. There is no alternative future scenario possible as nothing concrete is being done to pull the city out of the vortex of lawlessness. With the general elections now looming on the horizon, political and interest groups all are all set to dig their heels deeper. This will intensify ethnic and sectarian polarisation in an already troubled city.
The figures underline the gravity of the situation. In May, more than 75 people have been killed so far in what the police describe as “targeted killings” or gun battles between rival political, ethnic, sectarian or criminal groups. The death toll of 2012 stands now at more than 500 – and we are still counting.
In 2011 and 2010, nearly 1600 and 1135 people were killed in similar violence and incidents of terrorism respectively. The preceding years of 2009 and 2008 were also marked with bloodshed in which 639 and 681 people lost their lives respectively. The death toll since this elected government took charge in early 2008 has crossed the 4,500 mark.
The pattern of lawlessness and the government response are eerily similar. The winds of change don’t blow here and the nexus between crime and politics remains unbreakable.
After every major spate of violence the government issues high-sounding statements about dealing with militants and criminals with an iron-hand, the hand which is always found missing when needed the most. President Asif Ali Zardari orders investigations. Interior Minister Rehman Malik rushes to the city promising a crackdown and vowing to restore peace. What follows is what is always there – business of crime as usual. The city limps back to an apparent normality on its own, but all its abnormalities are allowed to fester. The killers, the extortionists, the mafia chiefs and their henchmen remain free – so that they may strike another day.
If one notorious gangster is put out of action on completing his ‘life-cycle’, there are ready replacements available. The names and faces of the city’s “Dukaits, Commandoes, Chambers, Ladlas and Babus” do change, but the game remains the same. The carefully orchestrated events, incidents and provocative statements that trigger violence may seem different, but their essence remains the same. They keep the pot boiling.
The partners in the ruling coalition – the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) and the Awami National Party (ANP) – are tied together in a relationship of deep mistrust and seething antagonism. Their narrow political and financial stakes and their desire to retain and expand electoral turfs dictate the terms of engagement. The broader goals and a vision for a different Karachi, and a different Pakistan, find little space in their narrative.
These uneasy bed-fellows have mastered the art of Orwellian “double-speak.” Being “allies”, they hold endless rounds of talks, come up with announcements of addressing the differences, and yet they keep their daggers drawn at each other. While the leaders lock horns amidst barrages of allegations and counter-allegations, their rank and file settle scores on the streets.
Despite their lip service to the cause of bringing peace and rule of law to this battered city, none of the major parties are in the mood to disband their militant wings. Criminals continue to operate under their flags and succeed in politicising crime and criminalising politics. From the issue of encroachment to that of enforcing traffic rules and regulations on the public transporters, to the question of action against gangsters involved in extortion, any matter can become a political one in this unfortunate city and has the potential to ignite ethnic strife.
As politicians and government and security officials belonging to the overt and covert establishment point fingers at one another, none of them bother to come out with solutions, which are obvious and doable. They only require political will and a desire to play by the book.
The prime responsibility is of political parties – especially the ones which are part of the coalition government. They have to really mean “reconciliation” when they say it. They need to build a grand consensus and develop a code of conduct – at least on a few key points including closing their doors on criminals and agreeing on an operation against mafias involved in extortion, street crime and encroachments. This means ensuring that these criminals are unable to play the ethnic card when pushed against the wall. Zero tolerance for criminals will greatly help in changing Karachi for the better.
The collapse of law and order should be seen as a collective failure of these parties; they need to jointly work for establishing the rule of law here. Even if only one of them takes the lead and sincerely tries to bring people of all ethnicities and sects on board against killings and other crimes, the rest of the political forces will be compelled to follow. For every Urdu-speaking person, Sindhi, Baloch, Punjabi and Pakhtun feels unsafe in this city.
Fighting crime and lawlessness also requires an independent police force and an active judiciary. These two institutions should be free from political pressures and need sweeping reforms so that they are able to rise to the challenge of restoring peace in Karachi. The mighty security establishment also needs to play by the book and stop propping up puppets and cronies in an attempt to undermine other forces. Such attempts failed in the past and in fact made the Karachi situation more complex.
In the last year of their term, will the partners in the ruling coalition be able to make the right choices? Will the institutions learn from the past and unlearn practices which repeatedly failed? The record is dismal, but do we have any other choice?
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